On The Economic Statuses Of Female Prostitutes, Compared To The Economic Statuses Of Women Not Engaged In Prostitution, In Ancient India, During The Late Vedic Period; From The Eighth To The Sixth Century BC.
Sunday, 8 November 2020, 10:05 PM
by Samuel Lawrence
On The Economic Statuses Of Female Prostitutes, Compared To The Economic Statuses Of Women Not Engaged In Prostitution, In Ancient India, During The Late Vedic Period; From The Eighth To The Sixth Century BC.

What Is Meant By ‘Prostitute’?

The Oxford English Dictionary defines a ‘prostitute’ as ‘a person who has sex with people for money (Oxford Languages, 2012, P.578)’.

This blog, therefore, shall look at the status of people who exchanged sexual services for money, or goods, within the economy of late Vedic period India.
Under the modern definition ‘prostitution’ refers specifically to the exchange of sex for money, however the economy of late Vedic period India seems to have been based on the exchange of goods, as well as money (Jayapalan, 2008, Pp.18-19).
Indeed, some scholars, as Jayapalan discusses, question the existence, and extent of certain forms of ancient Indian currency. Flat gold discs have been uncovered, and some scholars interpret these as coins, but this cannot be proven.
Either way it is certain that barter placed a prominent role in the economy of ancient India, and, as a major part of that economy, this blog shall consider sex bought through barter to be prostitution, as well as sex bought through money.
In her article of ancient Indian prostitution Bhattacharji distinguishes prostitution, the profession, from illicit love affairs (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 32).
Bhattacharji argues that, even if payment of some kind was exchanged, the informal one-time arrangement of an illicit affair is distinct from the professional, repeated arrangement of exchanging sex for payment.
This seems to be a sound distinction – if somewhat arbitrary – as a person who is paid for sex on only one occasion can hardly be said to get a regular income from selling sexual favours, and therefore is not greatly distinct, economically, from a person who does not prostitute themselves.
This difference between prostitutes, and non-prostitutes, is most notable in the contrast between those who made a career out of selling sexual favours, and those who did not.
As such, like Bhattacharji, this blog shall only consider people who made a career out of prostitution to be prostitutes.
It must also be noted that, usually, when ancient prostitution is discussed scholars, and students alike tend to focus on Graeco-Roman practices of prostitution.
However, the prostitution practices of ancient India are rather different from those of the Graeco-Roman world..
As such this blog shall also be looking to contrast ancient Indian prostitution with Graeco-Roman practices of prostitution.
Female Prostitutes In The Economy

In order to understand the unique position of female prostitutes, one must first realise the economic, and social, position most, non-prostitute women found themselves in.

Within the context of Hinduism, and according to the Vedas, women were ideally expected to be submissive to men, “Thou yieldest to my wish, that thou mayst be submissive. (Hymns of the Atharvaveda, Kanda 6:9).
For context, this is an extract from a popular prayer for a successful marriage, and is written with a male audience in mind
For further context, this is an extract from a book of the Vedas written between the twelfth, and tenth centuries BC. It was the final part of the Vedas to be written
The Vedas is a religious book by which the Vedic people had lived, since the sixteenth century BC (Devadevan, 2016, P.6).
As Devadevan discusses, the term Hinduism – which is applied to the modern religion which’s teachings the Vedas informs – was not coined until British explorers came to India in the nineteenth century AD (Devadevan, 2016, P.1)
As such, to call those who followed the Vedas in ancient India ‘Hindus’ is anachronistic.
It is also not entirely reflective of the truth, as Devadevan discusses, the Vedic people were not all of one religion, dogmatic, institutional religion (Devadevan, 2016, P. 5).
Being a part of a major religious text, and being well established by the late Vedic period at which this blog is looking, it seems likely that the idea of what a woman’s role in a marriage should, ideally, be – as suggested by that payer – would have been commonly held.
Bhattacharji talks more on the role of women, who weren’t prostitutes, as submissive to men, in the late Vedic period’s economy.
Chaste women were the wards of a male relative, or master. As the wards of men, these women did not make money in their own right, they were supported by their men (Bhattacharji, 1987, P.33).
This idea is echoed in the Vedas which speaks of manual labour – the type of work which would have earned a living for the vast majority of people in the late Vedic period – as a generally masculine pursuit (Hymns of Rigveda, Mandala 1:113)
Meanwhile women, in the Vedas, are generally placed in domestic, non-profitable, roles, such as bringing men food (Hymns of Rigveda, Mandala 8:66).
Generally, it seems, women were not expected to support themselves financially, rather they relied upon male relatives, spouses, or masters, to support them.
As such they lacked all economic freedom. The could not buy things without the permission of a man, and they lacked personal money. Within the ancient Indian economy, non-prostitute women had no status.
Because of their role, and its requirements, prostitute women often found themselves in a very different position to non-prostitutes.

One key distinguishment is the fact that, generally, prostitutes weren’t married. Chastity, at least in women, was expected prior to marriage (Meyer, 1989, Pp.53-54).
Meyer looks at two ancient Indian epics, the Mahabharata, and the Ramayana.
The Mahabharata was written after the Vedic period, but is set during the late Vedic period.
As such it can be assumed that the details within it reflect the facts of the Vedic period.
The Ramayana is believed to have been written during the late Vedic period, in its earliest stages, though it is set in the Treta Yuga eon, a mythological period of ‘history’ which lasted for over one million years.
As the subject era is mythical, it might be expected that the details within the text have a closer similarity to the reality of the era in which it was written.
Although, Bhattacharji does refer to some married women who became prostitutes – out of dissatisfaction with their marriages she supposes (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 33).
Though, as, as Bhattacharji discusses, by the late Vedic period wives began to be more restricted by their husbands, it is likely that married prostitutes, at least those who prostituted themselves of their own free will, became less common (Bhattacharji, 1987, Pp. 33-34).
Indeed Bhattacharji reasons that the recognition of prostitution as a legitimate profession was concurrent with increased strictness in laws surrounding marriage, amongst which the fact that wives became the property of their husbands (Bhattacharji, 1987, P.33).
This blog is inclined to agree here. Prostitution allowed women to have a stable income, it granted them economic freedom, and status, entirely apart from the submissive status – within a marriage – which they were expected to take, as discussed above.
As such it follows that, in order to fulfil what was expected of them, women would be further restricted within a marriage.
In particular the fact that married women became their husbands property, thus preventing her from owning anything herself.
Meaning a prostitute, if married, could no longer enjoy economic independence. Lessening her status, and the appeal of prostitution
Meaning also that a man could gain money earned through the prostitution of his wife, increasing his economic status in contrast with his wife’s decreased status.
This meant that prostitute women would not be dependent on a husband, unlike other women she would have to sustain herself.
Neither could they depend upon male relatives, as Bhattacharji discusses, terms for prostitute, such as ‘svatantra (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 57)’ indicate freedom, contrary to the idea that women should be protected by their male relatives, or spouses.
This idea of being self-sustaining is suggested by some of the terminology associated with prostitutes, which – as Bhattacharji mentions – often involves the prefix ‘vara’ (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 33).
In Sanskrit the prefix ‘वर’, Latinised as ‘vara’, means choice, and is often used to refer to those who have choices (Macdonell, 2004, P.270).
This suggests that the prostitutes, who with ‘vara’ prefixed terms were designated, had a choice, quite unlike other, typically submissive, women in ancient India.
These women had choice, they had independent agency, they were not – unlike many other women in ancient India – the wards of men.
As such they had to sustain themselves, and – because of their profession – they had the opportunity to gain the means to do so.
Just because prostitution could offer women choice, it does not mean that it always did.

In prostitution having a physically attractive body to sell is important. Prostitution was, of course, a business, and in a business unique selling features on a product are key, especially when that unique feature makes the product more attractive to a customer (Stone, 2001, P. 27).
In the business of prostitution the product is a person’s own body, and the sort of unique selling point which will draw in customers is being particularly attractive.
Therefore more attractive prostitutes would attract more customers, and – due to having plentiful customers - would be able to take the hit if they set a price too high for a client.
This means they would be free to charge more, which – coupled with the fact that they have more clients anyway – would mean they earned more, which gains them a greater economic status.
Also, having more clients, more attractive prostitutes would be able to have more choice in who they rendered services to
Overall, therefore, the choice offered by prostitution would be restricted to more attractive prostitutes.
One might assume, in that case, that only attractive women became prostitutes, it seems illogical for a woman not considered to be attractive – and therefore not likely to make a lot of money through prostitution – to choose to pursue a career as a prostitute.
Such a woman would make little money, and therefore appreciate little more choice than a woman who was a man’s ward.
However, the reality of ‘morality’ in ancient Indian society meant that not all prostitute chose to be so.
As Bhattacharji explores, unmarried women who were not chaste lacked honour in ancient Indian society (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 32).
This was the case no matter the context in which the woman had lost her virginity, whether voluntarily or involuntarily (Bhattacharji, 1987, Pp. 32-33).
This notion is echoed in Meyer’s exploration of ancient Indian epic, ‘it is by a pregnancy that the maiden is robbed of her honour, (Meyer, 1989, P. 44)’.
A woman who has, by having sex outside of marriage, dishonoured herself is unlikely marry, as both Bhattacharji, and Meyer discuss (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 33 & Meyer, 1989, P. 44)
Indeed, Meyer explores the fact that it was dishonourable, extremely so, for a man to sleep with a woman who has previously slept with another man (Meyer, 1989, P.44).
Meyer further details how it was insured that men did not dishonour themselves in this way accidently. Legally, a woman’s ‘bodily failings’ had to be detailed to her groom prior to marriage, amongst these failings, whether – or not – she was chaste.
Unable to marry, and therefore be supported by a husband, unchaste women would often become prostitutes because they had no other choice.
If these women were not physically attractive, according to general, ancient Indian standards, or were simply less attractive than the other prostitutes, they would lack the choices available to their more attractive colleagues.
Lacking a unique selling point, they would have fewer customers.
Meaning they would have to be less discriminating upon which clients they accepted. They as many clients as possible so they could earn the money needed to support themselves.
Meaning also that they couldn’t risk losing clients by setting their prices too high.
Having fewer clients, and therefore less of an income, they would not have the economic status, and consequential choice which comes from the wealth to buy many types of products from many sources, of more attractive prostitutes also.
If the sexual experience which left these women ‘dishonoured’ had left them psychologically traumatised, if – for example – they had been raped, their ability to participate in prostitution might also be limited.
Again meaning they could not earn the same economic status, and consequent choice, as their peers.
Ancient Indian prostitutes were economically not only distinct from other women, within ancient Indian society, they were also significantly distinct from other prostitutes from other cultures, For example, Graeco-Roman.

Fundamental to the differences between ancient Indian, and ancient Graeco-Roman prostitution is vastly different way in the two cultures viewed gender
This blog explored above the binary dichotomy of men, and women, portrayed in the Vedas, with men, and women, in rigid roles of dominance, and submission respectively.
This relates to sex, and to prostitution in the fact that, according to The Kama Sutra, men of any age, including young men, were valid partners for a courtesan (Vatsyayana, 2009, P. 118).
As a work written during the Vedic period, and one revolving around ancient Indian prostitution, The Kama Sutra might be said to be uniquely suited to this topic
This was not quite the case in ancient Greek culture, while women were always submissive to men, whether, or not, a man was dominant varied dependant on age.
This relates to sex, and therefore prostitution as, as explored by Dover in his book on ancient Greek homosexuality, the penetrator in any relationship was considered dominant, and the penetrated person was considered submissive, and – amongst men – younger men were considered submissive (Dover, 2016, P.16)
Because of this difference homosexual relations, including those involving male prostitutes, were common in ancient Greece, as Cohen explores in his work on Athenian prostitution (Cohen, 2015, P. 3.)Distinct from Graeco-Roman prostitution, Indian prostitution seems to have been a majority female business.
It is true that Cohen was discussing Athenian prostitution in the fourth century BC, this period being particularly rich in evidence, and therefore the Greek prostitution he explores is not concurrent with the Indian prostitution of the late Vedic period, which this blog has discussed.
However, it must be noted that – by the time of the fourth century BC, Athenian prostitution was a developed part of the economy.
Hence the prevalence of fourth century evidence. Cohen details the range of sources he uses – including speeches, and comedy, the popular culture of the day. That prostitution should have a place in the fourth century BC’s popular culture suggests that the field had some history by this point (Cohen, 2015, Pp.14-18).
Suggesting that the industry had been developing for some years prior to the period upon which Cohen focuses, suggesting possible concurrency with the late Vedic period upon which this blog focuses.
It should be noted that, according to The Kama Sutra, homosexual relations were known during the Vedic period, both between men, and men, and women, and women (Vatsyayana, 2009, P. 46)
However, this does not seem to have been prevalent enough to influence prostitution,
Even in the rather explicit Kama Sutra, sex between individuals of the same sex, is touched upon only briefly, and is portrayed as something done privately, and only when members of the opposite sex are unavailable.
Male prostitution, if it was carried out in late Vedic period India, seems to have left no identifiable mark on the Sanskrit language.
The ‘vara’ prefix discussed above, for example, is – as Bhattacharji discussed – heavily associated with prostitutes, and comes with feminine connotations, suggestive of its link to female prostitution, but no masculine connotation (Bhattacharji, 1987, P.33 & Macdonell, 2004, P.270).
Another key distinction between how Graeco-Roman peoples carried out prostitution, and ancient Indians did, comes from the social dynamics of their culture.Meanwhile the ancient Greeks, while they also had a social class system of superiors, and inferiors, not entirely unlike the ancient Indian caste system, though less rigid, did practise slavery (Cohen, 2015, P. 2).
The Indians of the late Vedic period organised their society based on a caste system. These castes, as Pruthi details, segregated the population, and run downwards in social status (Pruthi, 2004, Pp.5-34).
From the Brahmins, priest-like rulers, to the Panchamas, the lowest of the low, considered untouchable by those of other castes.
This caste system was well established by the Vedic period, and so is pertinent to this discussion (Pruthi, 2004, P. 203)
It is important to note, while the relationship between individuals of different castes was one of superiority, and inferiority, it was not one of ownership.
According to Pruthi a word Latinised as ‘dasa’ is often translated as slave – suggesting that the ancient Indians did practise slavery – but, according to Pruthi, with in the context this term might better translate as serf (Pruthi, 2004, P. 83).
This meant that, in ancient Greece, an enslaved individual could be forced into prostitution by their owners.
Indeed Cohen refers to one such person, Epitrepontes, who was prostituted by her master for twelve drachmae (Cohen, 2015, P. 47).
This kind of direct, forced prostitution is not known to have occurred in ancient India.
However, indirectly it may still have occurred. As Meyer discusses, according to some sources a man of a higher caste can have sex outside of marriage with a lower caste woman, and can do so with impunity (Meyer, 1989, P. 44).
Men of higher castes could sleep with lower caste women, and not be punished, and because – as discussed above – women who weren’t virgins were unlikely to marry honourably, they could indirectly force these women to become prostitutes.
It should be noted, however that, though – like their Greek counterparts – these higher caste men forced women into prostitution, they did not profit from doing this, unlike the Graeco-Roman slave-master pimps.
Indirectly, again, a young woman’s family might also force her into prostitution, as Bhattacharji discusses, a family’s virgins might be given away as gifts, to high-caste individuals, and priests, of special occasions – including religious festivals (Bhattacharji, 1987, P. 34).
Bhattacharji discusses this as a route into prostitution, and – based on the fact that she describes that a reason for this might be a religious event – it seems to this blog that these women’s families were – like the Greek slave-masters – pimping for them, though for some spiritual reward, rather than a corporeal one.
Another similarity here is the fact that the relationship between a woman and her male relatives was not unlike ownership, as discussed above.
Reference List

Bhattacharji, S. 1987. Prostitution in Ancient India. Social Scientist, Vol. 15, No. 2: 32-61.

Cohen, E. E. 2015. Athenian Prostitution: The Business of Sex. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Devadevan, M. V. 2016. A Prehistory of Hinduism. Warsaw, De Gruyter Open.

Dover, K. J. 2016. Greek Homosexuality. London, Bloomsbury.

Jayapalan, N. 2008. Economic History Of India; Ancient to Present Day. New Delhi, Atlantic.

Macdonell, A. A. 2004. A Practical Sanskrit Dictionary. New Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Meyer, J. J. 1989. Sexual Life in Ancient India: A Study in the Comparative History of Indian Culture. New Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Oxford Languages. 2012, Oxford English Dictionary. Waite, M.(ed.). Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Pruthi, R. K. 2004. Indian Caste System. New Delhi, Discovery Publishing House.

Stone, P. 2001. Make Marketing Work for You: Boost your profits with proven marketing techniques. Oxford, How To Books.

Vatsyayana. 2009. The Kama Sutra Of Vatsyayana. Kindle Version. Burton, R. F.(trans.). Kansas, Digireads.com Publishing.

2017. The Vedas: The Samhitas Of The Rig, Yajur (White And Black), Sama, And Atharva Vedas). Griffith, R. T. H, Keith, A. B.(trans.), Fergus, J. W.(ed.). Vancouver, Kshetra Books.