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>=20
> https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2024.2385000
>=20
> National identities among minority and =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
ethnic groups: evidence from the 2021 census in England and Wales
> ABSTRACT
>=20
> This paper employs data from the 2021 UK census to initially explore =
sub-state (English, Welsh) national identities among minority ethnic =
groups. This shows that these identities remain much more exclusive of =
people in minority groups than is a British identity, and that this =
exclusion is particularly marked with respect to English identity. The =
analysis then builds on this observation using similar data to examine =
English identification among the White British =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
in a =E2=80=98superdiverse=E2=80=99 city =E2=80=93 London. Attributes =
which are typically shared by London boroughs in which identification as =
English deviates most from the national average, and multi-variable =
analysis which considers the ethnic structure of the borough in which an =
individual lives alongside other key factors (age, education, social =
class) suggest differences in identification between people living in =
boroughs that are characterised by more established and extensive ethnic =
diversity and those in boroughs transitioning from a previously more =
homogeneous (white) ethnic structure. In exploring how the articulation =
of a specific national identity might relate to ethnically-diverse or =
=E2=80=98superdiverse=E2=80=99 contexts, the paper uniquely contributes =
to recent research which calls for a stronger focus on how people who do =
not belong to migrant-minority groups might respond to living in such =
contexts.
>=20
> Introduction
>=20
> A question on national identity was first included in the United =
Kingdom (UK) population censuses in 2011. The Office for National =
Statistics (ONS) recommended retention of this question in the most =
recent UK censuses,1 not least because it allows individuals =E2=80=98to =
express their affiliation with England, Scotland, Wales, Northern =
Ireland and Britain irrespective of their ethnic group=E2=80=99 (2016, =
3). This reflects the UK=E2=80=99s status as a multination state, in =
which people may identify as British and/or one of the sub-state =
national identities (English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish).2 But the =
UK is far from unique in having this multination character: Kymlicka =
(2011), for example, has developed the concept of =E2=80=98multicultural =
citizenship=E2=80=99 to consider the degree to which sub-state =
identities accommodate people in migrant-minority groups in multination =
states. Previous work on national identity in the 2011 censuses (Bond =
2017a) has compared how sub-state national identification across ethnic =
groups varied between England, Wales, and Scotland. Most obviously, =
ethnicity appeared much more central to identification as English than =
it did to the corresponding sub-state identities in the other =
territories.
>=20
> This paper both revisits and builds on some of the questions addressed =
in that previous work. In doing so, we must accommodate a substantial =
methodological change: in England the ordering of the explicit response =
categories for national identity was altered from 2011 such that in 2021 =
British, rather than English, was the first option listed. This =
occasioned substantial changes in the proportions of the population =
identifying as British and/or English. Although in one respect a =
methodological challenge, this change offers an opportunity to assess =
whether differences in national identification among various ethnic =
groups are consistent with 2011 in a relative sense, and also to compare =
2021 data from England with Wales, in which no such methodological =
alteration was made. Unfortunately, at the time of writing this =
comparison cannot be extended to Scotland owing to the postponement of =
the census there and the resultant delay in data release.
>=20
> The initial analysis focuses on national identities among people in =
various minority ethnic groups and how these compare to the (national) =
White British =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=993 in the UK. The included =
minority groups reflect the main ethnic categories explicitly listed in =
the census form, but I also disaggregate some of these groups according =
to professed religion (see Data and Methods section below for further =
details). The second part of the analysis presents a novel investigation =
of the white =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, here defined as those who =
describe their ethnicity as =E2=80=98White: English, Welsh, Scottish, =
Northern Irish or British=E2=80=99, again reflecting the explicit =
presentation of this (single) category in the census. Through a specific =
focus on London, I explore whether and in what ways living in contexts =
of varying ethnic diversity might influence national identification =
among this group in light of the evidence concerning the national =
identities of people in minority groups. This analysis therefore =
contributes to a nascent body of research (see e.g. Crul et al. 2023; =
Jim=C3=A9nez 2017; Pemberton 2023) which calls for a stronger focus on =
how (=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99) people who do not belong to =
migrant-minority groups respond to living in ethnically-diverse or =
=E2=80=98superdiverse=E2=80=99 contexts.
>=20
> Before presenting the analysis and findings pertaining to minorities =
and =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, I first discuss previous research that =
is relevant to these respective groups, and then outline the key data =
and methods employed.
>=20
> National identities and minorities in the UK
>=20
> Although people subjectively conceive their own identities, as Jenkins =
(2014, 44) observes: =E2=80=98It is not enough simply to assert an =
identity; that assertion must also be validated, or not, by those with =
whom we have dealings=E2=80=99. He therefore describes this process as =
=E2=80=98the internal-external dialectic of identification=E2=80=99 =
(2014, 42=E2=80=933). Applying this observation more specifically to =
national identities, the key biographical =E2=80=98markers=E2=80=99 of =
birthplace, residence and ancestry are particularly significant (see =
e.g. Kiely, Bechhofer, and McCrone 2005). For those born and living in a =
particular nation, and whose ancestry (sometimes connoted by physical =
appearance) indicates membership of the predominant ethnic group(s) =
associated with that nation, national identity may be largely an =
unchallenged =E2=80=98taken-for-granted=E2=80=99 matter. For people in =
more =E2=80=98marginal=E2=80=99 migrant-minority groups who (appear to) =
lack one or more of these key markers, =E2=80=98validation=E2=80=99 of =
certain national identities may therefore be more open to question, and =
this might influence whether and how they assert such identities.
>=20
> Considering immigrants=E2=80=99 (and their descendants=E2=80=99) =
identification with their nation of residence as opposed to their =
=E2=80=98homeland=E2=80=99, much public and academic attention in the UK =
and other European countries has been focused on non-Christian (or =
non-secular) migrant-minority groups, particularly Muslims. Contrary to =
much public discourse, research has indicated high levels of British =
identification among UK minority ethnic groups, not least Muslims =
(Karlsen and Nazroo 2015; Maxwell 2006; Platt 2014). But this work =
neglected the relative incidence of sub-state national identities among =
minority groups. Nandi and Platt (2015, 2630) did show that such =
identities were more exclusive of minorities than British identity, and =
my own (Bond 2017a) analysis of 2011 census data partly echoes this =
finding, while also showing that this is particularly true in England =
and less so elsewhere (especially Scotland). Considering Jenkins=E2=80=99 =
(2014) conception of identification as an =E2=80=98internal-external =
dialectic=E2=80=99, Leddy-Owen (2014) shows that some people who are not =
white do not claim to be English because they do not anticipate this =
claim would be accepted owing to their ethnicity. Other in-depth =
qualitative research with people from minority ethnic groups in England =
has similarly suggested that they may feel excluded from an English =
identity because they associate this with whiteness (Thomas and =
Sanderson 2011, 1032=E2=80=931033), while Mann (2012, 494=E2=80=93496) =
has also shown that white people lacking English ancestry (parents or =
grandparents) may be similarly reluctant to identify as English. =
However, others have questioned the degree to which English identity may =
invariably be understood as essentially ethnicised (Condor, Gibson, and =
Abell 2006), and Leddy-Owen himself suggests there is some evidence of =
change in this regard, particularly among younger people, such that =
there may be an incipient uncoupling of Englishness and whiteness (2014, =
1450=E2=80=9351).
>=20
> Analysis of 2011 census data for Wales (Bond 2017a) indicates that, =
broadly speaking, Welsh identity is more inclusive of minorities than =
English identity in England. Qualitative research (Whittaker 2018; 2019) =
has also highlighted a strong sense of attachment to Welsh identity =
among Muslims of Bangladeshi and Pakistani origin who were born and/or =
brought up in Wales. This identity is often strengthened in contexts =
such as visits to =E2=80=98parental homelands=E2=80=99 (Whittaker 2019) =
and in cross-border mobility to England (Whittaker 2018). Although such =
findings again undermine the notion that Muslims in the UK tend to =
identify more strongly with their place of (family) origin, and =
highlight how sub-state as well as British national identities may be =
important for people in minority ethnic groups in Wales, Whittaker =
(2018; 2019) also notes that the experience of racism and Islamophobia =
in Wales can also undermine their Welsh identities.
>=20
> Identities and attitudes among (white) =E2=80=98majorities=E2=80=99
>=20
> Considering that most evidence from England indicates that people in =
minority ethnic groups there generally feel they cannot, or do not wish =
to, identify as English, this raises important questions concerning =
English identification among the white majority. Broman, Kukutai, and =
Bell (2022, 2095) have argued that =E2=80=98the identity choices of =
dominant white groups also reflect important features of ethnic =
hierarchies=E2=80=99, and as Skey (2010, 716) has observed of the =
=E2=80=98ethnic majority=E2=80=99 in England, =E2=80=98members of this =
group have formed the unmarked category against which =E2=80=9Cothers=E2=80=
=9D within the national territory are defined=E2=80=99. Leddy-Owen =
(2014, 1453=E2=80=9354) similarly found that among many of the white =
Londoners he interviewed, identification as English was unreflexively =
assumed as legitimate and taken for granted.
>=20
> The =E2=80=98unmarked=E2=80=99 status of the ethnic majority in =
England may have several possible consequences for their articulation of =
national identities. Forefronting or even attempting to (positively) =
characterise such identities at all might be considered tantamount to =
xenophobia or (racial) prejudice (Condor 2000); or English and British =
identities might be viewed as essentially similar and interchangeable =
(Leddy-Owen 2014, 1451; Skey 2012, 115); or Britishness might be =
interpreted as a more inclusive and accommodating alternative to a more =
ethnicised English identity (Mann 2011, 110). This third phenomenon also =
raises the possibility that, for the ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, =
=E2=80=98the stated preference for Englishness over Britishness in the =
twenty-first century is partly a racialised identification=E2=80=99 =
(Elgenius and Garner 2021, 219). As Modood (2021, 508) has argued: =E2=80=98=
It is because Britishness is being multiculturalised=E2=80=89=E2=80=A6=E2=80=
=89that some are looking to Englishness as a refuge=E2=80=99. This =
reflects a wider phenomenon whereby for some people in such =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 groups the (perceived) loss of status and =
dominance associated with living in ethnically-diverse places may =
occasion more exclusive =E2=80=98ethno-national=E2=80=99 conceptions of =
national identity (Laz=C3=ABri 2023, 1989).
>=20
> Other research has similarly highlighted the potential for the ethnic =
demography of people=E2=80=99s geographical surroundings to influence =
the conception of national identity among =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
groups, often reflected in the relative importance attached to =
=E2=80=98ascriptive=E2=80=99 and exclusive characteristics such as =
ancestry, as opposed to more inclusive =E2=80=98achievable=E2=80=99 =
attributes such as citizenship (Canan and Simon 2019; Laz=C3=ABri and =
Coenders 2023; Wright 2011). But there is considerable variation in the =
findings from such work, with some concluding that higher levels of =
diversity are associated with more inclusive conceptions of national =
identity and others suggesting that increasing diversity leads to less =
inclusive perspectives or has no overall effect (cf. Canan and Simon =
2019; Laz=C3=ABri and Coenders 2023; Wright 2011).
>=20
> This lack of consensus might be related to the theoretical framing of =
much of this research, which highlights the potential for two effects =
that are likely to be contradictory and which also feature in some work =
concerning attitudes to immigration (Pettigrew, Wagner, and Christ 2010; =
Schlueter and Scheepers 2010; Strabac 2011). Specifically, it may be =
proposed that ethnic diversity is perceived as a threat to the status of =
those in the ethnic majority, who respond with more negative and =
exclusive perspectives on immigration and national inclusion (=E2=80=98gro=
up threat theory=E2=80=99), and/or that such diversity is more likely to =
generate interaction between those in different ethnic groups, leading =
to more positive and inclusive perspectives (=E2=80=98intergroup contact =
theory=E2=80=99) (Hewstone 2015; Schlueter and Scheepers 2010). =
Collectively this has been described as =E2=80=98the population ratio =
paradox=E2=80=99 (Pettigrew, Wagner, and Christ 2010, 636).
>=20
> It is likely that these (paradoxical) effects are, however, not =
mutually exclusive (Vertovec 2023, 143). Moreover, there is also =
considerable debate concerning the degree and effects of inter-ethnic =
interaction in ethnically-diverse geographical contexts. Such diversity =
does not necessarily lead to interaction because different groups may be =
spatially and/or socially segregated (Hewstone 2015, 431; Pettigrew, =
Wagner, and Christ 2010, 637; Strabac 2011, 577): indeed even people in =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 groups who are positively disposed towards =
diversity may in practice engage in little inter-ethnic mixing (Crul et =
al. 2023, 1942; Jackson and Benson 2014; Schut and Waldring 2023, 2040). =
Nevertheless, generally speaking, people living in more ethnically =
heterogeneous geographical areas tend to have more contact with those =
from other ethnic groups (Hewstone 2015, 420; 426), and even fairly =
modest inter-group interaction (e.g. in places of work, education or =
=E2=80=98parochical=E2=80=99 spaces such as clubs and community centres) =
may lead to less prejudiced attitudes (Knipprath 2023; Pettigrew, =
Wagner, and Christ 2010, 645; Schlueter and Scheepers 2010, 287).
>=20
> There are also a number of other factors which add further nuance to =
the potential association between ethnic diversity and attitudes to =
immigration and/or conceptions of national identity. Alongside the size =
of minority ethnic populations, some highlight the significance of the =
degree and rapidity of change in such populations (Pettigrew, Wagner, =
and Christ 2010, 638, 648; Vertovec 2023, 135, 139; Wright 2011). =
Indeed, with specific reference to England, Kaufmann (2014, 268) has =
argued that this is the key factor in stimulating =E2=80=98English =
ethnic nationalism=E2=80=99. Others suggest that perceived rather than =
actual minority population size may be more significant (Pettigrew, =
Wagner, and Christ 2010, 640; Strabac 2011). Further, while =
=E2=80=98diversity=E2=80=99 is often understood in terms of the =
collective size of all minority groups combined vis-=C3=A0-vis the =
ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 in a given place, stricter =
interpretations might attend to the number and relative sizes of such =
minority groups (Hewstone 2015, 417=E2=80=9318), and Vertovec has =
additionally stressed that his original (2007) concept of =
=E2=80=98superdiversity=E2=80=99 accommodates multiple dimensions (e.g. =
place of origin, immigration status, occupation, religion, language, =
age) and not simply =E2=80=98=E2=80=9Cmore ethnicity=E2=80=9D within a =
national or urban population=E2=80=99 (Vertovec 2023, 7). Heterogeneity =
in at least some of these respects may also be significant for =
attitudes. For example, research frequently highlights that people in =
majority groups who are younger, more highly educated and/or in more =
middle-class occupations are more likely to have more inclusive =
perspectives on minorities and national identities (Coenders and =
Scheepers 2003; Ford 2011; Vertovec 2023, 122).
>=20
> If articulations of identity among a (nationally) dominant ethnic =
group to some degree and in some circumstances reflect a response to a =
sense of threat occasioned by (growing) diversity, then in the specific =
context of London ethnographic work suggests that such reactionary =
responses may be related to a nostalgic =E2=80=98melancholia=E2=80=99 =
rooted in historic colonial relations and perceptions of a more racially =
homogeneous (white) past (Back and Sinha 2016; James 2014). Such =
findings are also reflected in work undertaken in other national and =
urban contexts, which indicates that people in (previously) =
dominant/majority groups may associate ethnic diversification in their =
locality with loss, or alternatively experience this as an enriching =
process (Crul et al. 2023, 1940).
>=20
> London also represents an ideal context in which to study the =
inter-relationship between diversity and national identities because it =
is the epitome of =E2=80=98superdiversity=E2=80=99 (Vertovec 2007). =
Previous research on particular parts of the city reflects the =
=E2=80=98convivial turn=E2=80=99 (Gidley 2013; Redclift, Rajina, and =
Rashid 2022) in the study of migration and its consequences, in which =
diversity is experienced as banal, unremarkable, and thus =
=E2=80=98commonplace=E2=80=99 (Wessendorf 2014) and its effects are =
usually characterised as benign or positive. For example, the Inner =
London borough of Hackney has been described as =E2=80=98a super-diverse =
urban area=E2=80=99 (Wessendorf 2014, 1) and =E2=80=98a space of =
particularly successful multiculture=E2=80=99 (Neal, Bennett, and =
Cochrane 2019, 77) in which =E2=80=98Everyday encounters with =
difference=E2=80=89=E2=80=A6=E2=80=89are rarely conflictual=E2=80=99 =
(Wessendorf 2014, 3). However, while research in other urban contexts =
has also highlighted the potential for diversity to become normalised =
and non-threatening (Kraus 2023) others have stressed that for =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 ethnic people living in ethnically-diverse =
places, conviviality entails =E2=80=98effort, adaptation and =
negotiation, as well as ambivalence, uncertainty and a great amount of =
discomfort=E2=80=99 (Schut and Waldring 2023, 2048). Jackson and =
Benson=E2=80=99s (2014) work, focused on a particular neighbourhood in =
London, reflects a similar ambivalence.
>=20
> Such work also highlights that the stress on conviviality and the more =
positive consequences of (super)diversity should not obscure the =
continuing significance of inequalities, racism and differential power =
in (ethnically) diverse contexts (Back and Sinha 2016; Gidley 2013; =
Neal, Bennett, and Cochrane 2019, 70; Redclift, Rajina, and Rashid =
2022). Equally, the consequences of diversity in other places might be =
less positive, if not in those areas that are most obviously =
heterogeneous, then in neighbouring places that remain (more) dominated =
by the white =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, but which might also have =
experienced relatively rapid growth in minority populations. This =
=E2=80=98halo effect=E2=80=99 (Kaufmann 2014, 272=E2=80=933; see also =
Vertovec 2023, 139) =E2=80=93 also observable in other national contexts =
=E2=80=93 is, for example, suggested by Kaufmann as a factor in the =
relative strength of anti-immigrant political parties in some districts =
in, or close to, London.
>=20
> Data and methods
>=20
> Data were derived from the 2021 census in England and Wales, for which =
response rate was an estimated 97 per cent of usual residents (ONS =
2022a). Analysis of national identities among minority ethnic groups is =
based on microdata representing a random 5 per cent sample of =
respondents (ONS 2023a). While some analysis of national identities may =
be conducted using aggregate data representing all census returns, using =
microdata allows multi-variable analysis; construction of bespoke =
derived variables; and further facilitates selection of specific =
sub-populations. Although national identities are recorded for people of =
all ages, previous analysis of such identities in the 2011 UK censuses =
only included those aged 16 and over (Bond 2017a, 2017b), and similar =
analysis in New Zealand (Broman, Kukutai, and Bell 2022, 2102) =
implemented a threshold of 15 years of age. In the section immediately =
below I therefore again include only cases aged 16 or over, but the age =
at which people might be able to reliably articulate their own national =
identity is debatable =E2=80=93 some other research on national =
identities has included people as young as 12 (Sime 2020) or 13 years =
(Wood 2022) =E2=80=93 and I note significant changes to results below if =
those aged under 16 were to be included.
>=20
> Analysis of =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 national identities (and =
related data) in London is based on aggregate data published online by =
the ONS (https://www.nomisweb.co.uk/sources/census) and on a different 5 =
per cent random sample microdata file (ONS 2023b) which allows for the =
differentiation of cases at a lower level of geography (local authority =
areas, as opposed to larger regions). Using this dataset allows not only =
a focus on London, but also each of its 33 local authorities (32 =
boroughs and the City of London). There are nearly three million cases =
in each of the microdata files,4 which provides a robust basis for the =
analysis of specific minority groups (much more difficult or impossible =
using relevant surveys) and ensures sufficiently large numbers in each =
London borough.
>=20
> The census asked =E2=80=98How would you describe your national =
identity?=E2=80=99. British, English, Welsh, Scottish and Northern Irish =
were explicitly presented as response options, and/or people could write =
in any alternative identities. Although directed to choose as many as =
they thought appropriate, 83.1 per cent in England and 87.6 per cent in =
Wales only selected one identity: the vast majority chose English, =
British or Welsh. Aggregate data for all usual residents show that in =
England the proportion identifying as British increased from 29.3 per =
cent in 2011 to approximately 71.6 per cent in 2021,5 whereas the =
proportion identifying as English fell from 70.1 per cent to =
approximately 29.5 per cent. In Wales there was comparatively little =
change in the proportions identifying as Welsh (65.9 per cent in 2011; =
approximately 63.3 per cent in 2021) or British (26.3 per cent in 2011; =
approximately 28.4 per cent in 2021). While some of the change in =
England may reflect genuine alterations in people=E2=80=99s subjective =
sense of national identity, much of it likely relates to the alteration =
in order of response categories discussed earlier (ONS 2022b, 2).6 =
Although it has been observed that structured questions on national =
identity are subject to these kinds of methodological effects (Mann =
2011, 111=E2=80=93112), equally important is likely to be the tendency =
(noted earlier) to conflate English and British identities. However, we =
are not principally concerned with how these identities vary in absolute =
terms, but rather relative differences between ethnic groups or people =
living in different parts of London.
>=20
> The key dependent variables are simple binaries indicating whether or =
not an individual selected English, British or Welsh as one of their =
chosen identities. In the first part of the analysis the main =
explanatory variable is ethnicity. In some instances I adopt the main =
ethnic groups specified in the census form: the Mixed categories; Black =
Caribbean; and White: English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or =
British (which I simply label =E2=80=98White British=E2=80=99). As well =
as heterogeneity of (sub-state) national origins, this latter =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 label will obscure other dimensions of =
diversity such as religion. However, for many of the minority groups I =
construct bespoke ethnoreligious categories. This allows consideration =
of both ethnicity and religion as markers of minority status while =
avoiding problems entailed in including these separately, particularly =
when for some ethnic groups there is a high correlation with a =
particular religion. The categories are structured to recognise the =
relative religious homogeneity of some ethnic groups (e.g. Pakistani =
Muslims) and the heterogeneity of others (e.g. Indian Hindus, Sikhs, =
Muslims and Christians). This structuring was also based to some extent =
on preliminary analysis to investigate any substantial differences in =
patterns of national identities, e.g. for people of different religions =
in the same ethnic group, or for different categories of white people (I =
combine most of the minority White categories into a single group). =
Overall, some cases that represent unusual or non-specific combinations =
of ethnicity and religion (including some =E2=80=98Other=E2=80=99 =
groups) were excluded, but the vast majority of cases in the original =
dataset are included: 94.1 per cent in England and 97.9 in Wales. In the =
second part of the analysis the key independent variable is the London =
borough (local authority area) in which each individual lives. Borough =
names are unchanged since the 2011 and 2001 censuses, and comparisons =
with previous censuses assume that borough boundaries have not changed =
significantly. Other explanatory variables are also included in both =
parts of the analysis: these are outlined and justified below.
>=20
> Census data on national identities do have limitations. A wider =
critique of survey-type questions on national identities is that they do =
not allow people to express how they might understand these identities =
and/or employ them differently in varying contexts (Condor, Gibson, and =
Abell 2006, 129; Mann 2011, 111=E2=80=9312). Unlike some related =
research (Karlsen and Nazroo 2015; Maxwell 2006; Nandi and Platt 2015; =
Platt 2014), the census question also does not assess people=E2=80=99s =
strength of identification with particular national groups.
>=20
> Comparing national identities across ethnic groups in England and =
Wales
>=20
> gives an overview of the proportions of people aged 16+ in each ethnic =
group who selected English (in England), Welsh (in Wales) and/or British =
(in both nations) in the 5 per cent microdata. For the purpose of =
comparison, groups are structured similarly in England and Wales, and in =
two instances this means there are fewer than 100 cases in Wales, so =
data for these should be interpreted with some caution.
>=20
> Table 1. English, Welsh and British identification by ethnic group, =
2021 census (aged 16+ only)a.
>=20
>=20
> In England, although overall identification as English is markedly =
lower than in the 2011 census, a large minority of people in the White =
British group (40 per cent) do identify as English, as do smaller but =
still fairly substantial minorities in the three Mixed groups (all of =
which include some white ethnic heritage), but only very small =
minorities in the other ethnic groups. This substantiates previous work =
which suggests that English is widely understood as an ethnicised and =
exclusive national identity. Consistent with 2011 data and other =
previous research, Britishness is much more accommodating of people in =
minority ethnic groups, and a number of these (including some Muslim =
groups) show higher proportions of British identity than the White =
British. Analysis which included those aged under 16 (not in table) =
showed that in England young people in minority groups are even more =
likely to identify (or be identified by their parents) as British.
>=20
> In Wales, although in most ethnic groups only a minority identify as =
Welsh, these proportions are invariably larger than for English identity =
among the corresponding group in England. Proportions identifying as =
Welsh have increased compared to the 2011 census for most minority =
groups (Bond 2017a) and, if under 16s are included, data (not in table) =
suggest a relatively stronger willingness for young people to identify =
(or be identified) as Welsh among majority and (most) minority groups =
alike. But for all minority ethnic groups the proportion identifying as =
Welsh remains lower (and in most groups much lower) than for the White =
British in Wales (which includes White Welsh), and with the exception of =
two of the Mixed groups, higher proportions identify as British than do =
Welsh.
>=20
> presents multi-variable models (binary logistic regression) which =
allow for the fact that, as well as ethnicity and religion, national =
identities are also commonly related to people=E2=80=99s birthplace, =
and, for those not born in a country, potentially to period of residence =
there (see e.g. Bond 2006; Platt 2014). A combined birth-residence =
variable is used, although unfortunately (and in contrast to similar =
2011 census microdata) it is not possible to differentiate people by =
their specific UK nation of birth (i.e. England, Wales etc.) only =
whether or not they were born in the UK. Duration of residence is =
derived from the original microdata, which record a broad period of =
arrival in the country for those not born in the UK rather than a =
specific year. In addition to those common markers of national identity, =
some previous research on this theme has also shown that people=E2=80=99s =
age (Bond 2017a; Karlsen and Nazroo 2015; Maxwell 2006) and =
socioeconomic status (Bond 2017a, 2017b; Maxwell 2006; Nandi and Platt =
2015) may be significant. Grouped variables for both age and the =
standard UK NS-SEC classification of occupational social class are =
included. Proficiency in the Welsh language is also likely to be =
relevant to propensity to identify as Welsh, including among minority =
groups (Bond 2017a; Scourfield and Davies 2005; Williams 1999). The =
census in Wales assessed whether people could understand, speak, read, =
and/or write Welsh, and those who can do at least one but not all of =
these have been classified in one group, and those skilled in all these =
dimensions placed in another. These groups are compared with people with =
no Welsh language skills, who are therefore the reference category for =
this variable. This is shown in the table, as are the reference =
categories for the other variables.
>=20
> Table 2. Logistic regressions of English, Welsh and British =
identities, England and Wales 2021.
>=20
>=20
> While our main focus is on sub-state national identities (English and =
Welsh), similar models for British identification are also shown for =
England and Wales. Details of how to interpret the data in are provided =
in the Appendix. The key findings are summarised below.
>=20
> In England, overall people in minority ethnic groups are still much =
less likely to identify as English compared to the (White British) =
majority, even after controlling for (UK) birthplace/residence, age and =
social class. The model also confirms that people in nearly all minority =
groups are more likely to identify as British than the White British, =
and this is most marked among South Asian Muslims. Examining the effect =
of birth and period of residence shows that, unsurprisingly, compared to =
the UK-born, immigrants are much less likely to identify as English, and =
for the most part there is no obvious linear effect of =E2=80=98becoming=E2=
=80=99 English over time. In contrast, long-term residents (40+ years) =
not born in the UK are more likely than the UK-born to identify as =
British, and overall there is a fairly clear linear pattern of =
=E2=80=98becoming=E2=80=99 British. Older people are most likely to =
identify as English and least likely to identify as British, whereas the =
opposite applies to people in the highest occupational social class, =
which is consistent with what we would expect from previous research on =
in/exclusive perspectives on national identities, and with similar =
analysis of the 2011 census (Bond 2017a).
>=20
> In Wales, the relative odds of identifying as Welsh are higher in =
nearly all minority groups compared to English identification among the =
corresponding groups in England, suggesting that Welsh identity is more =
inclusive of minorities than is English. However, compared to the White =
British/Welsh majority, people in minority groups are still obviously =
less likely to identify as Welsh, even after controlling for (UK) =
birthplace/residence, age and social class. There are two minority =
groups for whom differences are not significant, but this is also partly =
related to low sample sizes in these groups. Broad similarities with =
England may be observed with respect to patterns of British =
identification among minority ethnic groups and immigrants (defined by =
non-UK birthplace). Odds ratios for Welsh identification in all =
immigrant groups are also much higher relative to the UK-born than they =
were relative to the Wales-born in 2011 (Bond 2017a), but remain lower =
than the corresponding odds ratios in England: this likely reflects the =
centrality of birthplace in Wales for Welsh identification. In contrast =
to English identification in England, the oldest people are the least =
likely to identify as Welsh and there is no clear association between =
age and British identification. The effects of social class are broadly =
similar to England with respect to both sub-state (English/Welsh) and =
British identities. Finally, language has the same (expected) effects on =
Welsh and British identification as in 2011 (Bond 2017a), with =
likelihood of identifying as Welsh increasing and British identification =
diminishing markedly with proficiency in the Welsh language.
>=20
> Overall, despite substantial changes compared to 2011 in terms of both =
methodology and microdata structure, the key findings above are =
consistent with similar analysis for the previous census. Sub-state =
(English, Welsh) national identities are shown to be much less inclusive =
of people in minority ethnic groups than is British identity, but this =
exclusivity is most marked in England. We now go on to consider what =
implications this relative exclusivity might have for the identities of =
people in the (white) majority in England.
>=20
> English identification among the White British in London
>=20
> In this section we explore whether there is any evidence to suggest =
that living in contexts characterised by ethnic diversity might be =
associated with higher or lower propensity to identify as English, =
considering that this identity has been shown to be largely exclusive of =
people in minority ethnic groups, and in light of the evidence reviewed =
above concerning the various ways that =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 people =
might respond to diversity. Although (super)diversity is not merely =
reflected in the overall proportion of people in minority ethnic groups, =
nevertheless even this basic measure is significant because, as Vertovec =
(2023, 128) observes: =E2=80=98Ethnicity is a key lens through which a =
great many members of the public often consider social differences=E2=80=99=
. In the 2021 census, aggregate data show that White British (including =
White English, Welsh etc.) remains a clear national majority ethnic =
group, and the five local authority areas in England with the lowest =
percentage of people belonging to this group were all London boroughs: =
Newham (14.8 per cent), Brent (15.2), Harrow (20.5), Tower Hamlets =
(22.9) and Redbridge (23.2).
>=20
> While most of the remaining London boroughs can also be described as =
=E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 (see e.g. Crul et al. 2023; Laz=C3=ABr=
i 2023) in that the White British make up less than half the population, =
there are six in which this ethnic group is in the majority, and in four =
of these they account for around two-thirds of people: Richmond upon =
Thames (63.0 per cent), Bexley (64.4), Havering (66.5) and Bromley =
(66.5). These figures also do not reflect change in overall ethnic =
structure. For example, in Newham and Brent the proportion of White =
British fell only marginally (by less than 3 percentage points) between =
the 2011 and 2021 censuses, compared to more than 10 percentage points =
in Harrow and Redbridge and approximately 17 in Havering. Differential =
change between 2001 and 2021 is even more marked: in Hackney the =
proportion of White British fell by about 10 percentage points, whereas =
in Barking and Dagenham there was a 50 percentage point decrease over =
the same 20-year period. There is also evident variation across London =
boroughs in characteristics which we might also consider to be =
dimensions of (super)diversity and/or potentially influence attitudes =
and responses towards such diversity: e.g. birthplace, education, social =
class, and age structure. Not surprisingly, there is also considerable =
cross-borough variation in subjective national identities, especially =
identification as English: e.g. in 2021 fewer than 7 per cent of people =
in Brent identified as English compared to nearly one-third in Havering.
>=20
> summarises these and other key related data for all London boroughs =
and the City of London. As these are based on aggregate census data, =
people of all ages are included. The boroughs are ordered from lowest to =
highest percentage of White British residents (first data column), and =
=E2=80=98IL=E2=80=99 or =E2=80=98OL=E2=80=99 indicates whether the =
borough is designated as Inner or Outer London. Overall data for England =
and London are shown in the first data rows: note that a lower =
proportion of White British people identify as English in London =
compared to England as a whole.
>=20
> presents a more focused comparison of boroughs which deviate most from =
the national (England) proportion identifying as English among those in =
the White British ethnic group only, which is expressed as a =
differential (of percentage points). The first group are boroughs in =
which this differential was 10 percentage points or more lower than the =
England average,7 and the second group are approximately equal to or =
higher than that average. All other variables (columns) in the table are =
also expressed as percentage point differentials. Some are based on data =
from , but I also introduce three new measures which we might expect to =
be significant with respect to how people conceive and articulate =
national identities, and which reflect some of the additional dimensions =
of (super)diversity more strictly understood (Vertovec 2023, 127). The =
first shows how the proportion of people aged 16 or over who have higher =
education qualifications differs from the London average, both among all =
residents and (in brackets) the White British only. The others are in =
some ways more ad hoc measures of class and age profiles, but the =
structure of these measures is related to the nature of the published =
aggregate data and based on preliminary analysis of how English =
identification varies with social class and age. Full details are =
provided in the Appendix, and key findings are summarised below and in =
and .
>=20
> Table 5. Summary of key characteristics of boroughs with low English =
identification among the White British ethnic group.
>=20
>=20
> Table 6. Summary of key characteristics of boroughs with high English =
identification among the White British ethnic group.
>=20
>=20
> shows that boroughs in each group typically share a number of =
characteristics. Those in which White British people are relatively =
least likely to identify as English are all =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=
=99 areas where (much) less than half the population are White British, =
and typically have a relatively low percentage of UK-born residents. =
They have typically experienced a relatively small (fewer than 10 =
percentage points) decline in the proportion of White British between =
2011 and 2021. They are usually located in Inner London, or if not, =
=E2=80=98enclaved=E2=80=99: while formally defined as Outer London =
boroughs, they do not share boundaries with any local authorities =
outside London. They usually have relatively large numbers of =
highly-qualified residents and people in middle-class occupations =
relative to working-class, and tend to have a relatively young age =
profile.
>=20
> summarises whether each individual borough in this group meets each of =
these criteria: a tick indicates they do, a cross shows they do not, and =
a tick and cross shows they meet that criterion for one population (i.e. =
all residents or only those who identify as White British) but not the =
other. For social class and age differentials, ticks and crosses relate =
to comparison with London rather than England. While the crosses in the =
table thus highlight the exceptions to typical characteristics among =
this group, as shows some of these exceptions are marginal (e.g. in =
relation to decline in the percentage of White British in the =
population, or proportion of UK-born), or indicate the borough meets the =
criterion for education or social class for either the adult population =
or the White British only: Brent is the only outlier in this respect. =
But three boroughs clearly do not meet the criterion of having a =
relatively young age profile and one of these (Barnet) is also the only =
Outer London borough bordering a local authority outside London.
>=20
> provides a similar summary of those characteristics typically shared =
by boroughs in which White British people are relatively more likely to =
identify as English. These commonly have a majority of White British =
and/or have experienced a comparatively large reduction in the relative =
size of this ethnic group in recent years. They also typically have a =
relatively high percentage of UK-born residents, and are located in =
Outer London, bordering local authority areas outside London. They have =
relatively low numbers of highly-educated residents and people in =
middle-class occupations, and tend to have a relatively older age =
profile. Four of these six boroughs fully or partially meet all the =
typical criteria for this group. The exceptions are Barking & Dagenham =
and Hillingdon, neither of which have a majority White British =
population, although the latter borough (fully) fits all the other =
criteria. Barking & Dagenham is most obviously atypical, but one should =
stress the potential significance of the exceptionally large (50 =
percentage point) reduction in the proportion of White British people =
here between 2001 and 2021, and also note that of all London boroughs =
Hillingdon had the second highest reduction in this (former) =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 population over this period (see ).
>=20
> Overall, the various patterns and consistencies shown in suggest that =
which national identity(ies) people choose to articulate may indeed be =
influenced in some ways both by different geographical contexts of =
ethnic diversity and by some other demographic and socio-economic =
factors which have been shown to shape how people conceive national =
identities and respond to related issues such as immigration. However, =
as well as the limited exceptions highlighted above, some of those =
boroughs which are not represented in do not reflect a clear association =
between diversity and identities. For example, Newham and Tower Hamlets =
are among those local authorities with the lowest proportion of White =
British people in England, but neither differs much from London overall =
in terms of degree of English identification among this ethnic group. =
Equally, Richmond upon Thames is among those boroughs where English =
identification is relatively low (marginally above the negative 10 =
percentage point differential required for inclusion in and ) but does =
not meet most of the typical criteria for such boroughs. Its White =
British population is, however, overwhelmingly well-educated and =
middle-class, and it may be that these socio-economic factors are most =
key to national identities there.
>=20
> Such anomalies to some degree reflect the complexity and inconsistency =
highlighted by other research exploring the relationship between =
diversity and identities among national ethnic =E2=80=98majorities=E2=80=99=
. Ideally, this might be further explored for London through =
multi-variable models which include the various factors outlined in the =
tables above and perhaps further demographic and socio-economic =
variables. But such multi-level analysis is beyond the scope of this =
paper, not least because deriving some of the necessary data would be =
difficult. However, as a final piece of analysis focused on individual =
attributes among the White British, we present a logistic regression =
model () with English identity as the dependent variable (again as a =
simple binary as per above). Explanatory variables are age group, =
whether or not individuals have higher education qualifications, their =
NS-SEC social class, and, most significantly, the ethnic structure in =
the London borough in which they live. This latter variable is =
categorised in order to be intuitive and parsimonious, but this =
structure also reflects some preliminary analysis. The reference =
category is people living in boroughs with less than 25 per cent White =
British, compared both to those living in boroughs that are majority =
White British, and those where this group accounts for more than =
one-quarter but less than half of the population. Reference categories =
for the other variables are highlighted in the table. Owing to the =
inclusion of the education and NS-SEC variables, only residents aged 16+ =
are represented. All odds ratios shown are significant at p=E2=80=89<=E2=80=
=890.01, unless otherwise indicated by =E2=80=98NS=E2=80=99.=20
>=20
> Table 7. Logistic regression of English identity: White British people =
aged 16+ in London.
>=20
>=20
> The data in are broadly consistent with what we would expect, and are =
also in line with many of the findings for English identity shown in =
above: older, less highly-educated, and working-class White British =
people are relatively more likely to identify as English. Regarding the =
key question of whether the ethnic structure of the borough in which an =
ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 individual lives might be related to =
their articulated national identity, there is indeed some evidence of =
such an effect: although people in =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 =
boroughs do not differ from each other in this regard, those living in =
boroughs which have a majority White British population are =
significantly more likely to identify as English.8
>=20
> Conclusions, limitations and possible future research
>=20
> 2021 census data indicate that the association between ethnicity and =
national identities remains broadly similar in relative terms in England =
and Wales compared to 2011, despite the key methodological change in the =
former concerning the ordering of response categories. Compared both to =
British identity in England and Welsh identity in Wales, English remains =
a national identity that is largely exclusive of those in minority =
ethnic groups. This finding echoes several qualitative studies, although =
it should also be recognised that at least some other qualitative =
research suggests a more complex and potentially changing relationship =
between Englishness and ethnicity (see also Modood 2021 below). If this =
finding reflects Jenkins=E2=80=99 (2014) broader point that =
identification is a =E2=80=98dialectical=E2=80=99 process in which =
articulated identities are shaped by anticipation of whether others =
might =E2=80=98validate=E2=80=99 such claims, then focusing on the =
ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 also illustrates how identities may be =
influenced by interaction with others. In this respect the analysis =
uniquely contributes to debates concerning =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
responses to living in ethnically-diverse contexts through examining =
whether and in what ways exposure to such diversity may influence the =
degree to which those in the (national) white majority in England =
articulate a specific national identity that is itself widely =
conceptualised as exclusive of minorities. It shows that there is some =
evidence to suggest that this may indeed discourage such identification =
to some extent. This is in some ways consistent with research which =
suggests that white people who live in environments where ethnic =
diversity is established are less likely to feel threatened by such =
diversity (Vertovec 2023, 147). On the other hand, living in contexts in =
which the national (white) majority remain a local majority (and perhaps =
those where =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 status has developed =
only fairly recently and rapidly) may have the opposite effect. Hence, =
just as it has been suggested that people typically find a certain =
degree of ethnic diversity tolerable but what is perceived to be =
excessive diversification may in turn lead to more negative responses =
(Vertovec 2023, 130), contrasts between different parts of London may =
also suggest a different potential =E2=80=98tipping point=E2=80=99 =
(Vertovec 2023, 132) in which more exclusive responses to ethnic =
diversity may eventually decline and change as diversity becomes more =
extensive, established, and banal (Kraus 2023, 1962). However, although =
this implies a potentially positive trajectory, even =E2=80=98commonplace =
diversity=E2=80=99 (Wessendorf 2014) can be paralleled by continuing =
structural inequalities and racism. It is also important to stress that =
English identity in itself need not invariably and inevitably be =
inconsistent with multicultural inclusivity. As Modood (2021, 507) has =
argued, =E2=80=98there is nothing deterministic about what English =
identity can be and there is nothing deterministic about ethnic =
minorities not becoming part of an appropriately diverse, internally =
differentiated English national identity=E2=80=99.
>=20
> The degree to which national identities appear to be inclusive of =
those in minority ethnic groups, and whether this might also bear upon =
national identities among =E2=80=98majorities=E2=80=99, is also =
pertinent to other multination states. The diversity inherent in the =
established multination character of these states may be reconciled with =
the diversity brought by migrant-minority groups in a variety of ways =
(Kymlicka 2011). Work concerning other prominent sub-state nations such =
as Quebec in Canada (Banting and Soroka 2012; Kymlicka 2011; Xhardez =
2020); the Basque Country in Spain (Jeram 2013); and Flanders in Belgium =
(Xhardez 2020) suggests that national identities at different levels =
(e.g. Canada and Quebec) may be =E2=80=98in effect, competing for the =
affections of newcomers=E2=80=99 (Banting and Soroka 2012, 157). But =
what much of this work also suggests is that these identities are not =
static in the ways they are discursively represented and conceived. For =
example, a renewed stress on the importance of specific linguistic and =
cultural attributes associated with some sub-state identities may serve =
to exclude those in migrant-minority groups (Xhardez 2020), or such =
identities may be re-imagined as relatively inclusive of those groups =
when placed in the wider context of state level anti-immigration and =
multiculturalism-sceptic rhetoric (Jeram 2013). Such findings echo the =
observations of Modood and others regarding the (potentially) shifting =
nature of Englishness, and this should be borne in mind when evaluating =
the analysis presented above.
>=20
> My overall conclusions are also offered with some qualifications both =
with regard to the strength and consistency of the findings and =
established methodological limitations of researching national =
identities using quantitative data, which in some ways the census =
exacerbates through containing only one question on this theme. However, =
against this it offers a uniquely robust basis for including analysis of =
some minority groups and/or specific locales. Further research with =
respect to national identities among minorities using 2021/22 census =
data could compare the findings above with Scotland when data are =
released. In London, while much valuable qualitative and ethnographic =
research has already been done which focuses mainly on the most diverse =
parts of the UK capital, similar research which addresses areas =
characterised by less ethnic heterogeneity might yield valuable =
understanding concerning the conception and articulation of national =
identities. Quantitative analysis of London could also be developed =
further by introducing further dimensions of the census data or drawing =
on other data sources. Since London is not the only UK city =
characterised by a considerable degree of ethnic diversity, future =
research on how such diversity might shape national identities might be =
conducted in other urban areas in England. Beyond the UK, the =
interrelationships between national identities among minority and =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 groups could be studied in other prominent =
sub-state nations and/or ethnically-diverse urban areas within these =
nations.
>=20
> Ethical approval
>=20
> The research on which this paper is based was approved by the research =
ethics committee of the School of Social and Political Science, =
University of Edinburgh (submission ID 2520).
>=20
> Disclosure statement
>=20
> No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
>=20
> Notes
>=20
> 1 Separate censuses are carried out for England and Wales; Scotland; =
and Northern Ireland. Although the dates and (most) questions normally =
coincide, in Scotland the decennial census was postponed until 2022 =
owing to the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic, whereas in the other =
parts of the UK it was conducted in 2021.
>=20
> 2 In Northern Ireland, Irish is also a salient national identity for =
many people.
>=20
> 3 I use scare quotes here and (where appropriate) elsewhere in the =
paper principally because in some geographical contexts people in this =
ethnic group do not form a numerical majority, but even in such =
instances they remain a national majority and may also not perceive =
themselves to be a (local) minority either (Laz=C3=ABri 2023).
>=20
> 4 Only those regarded as =E2=80=98usual residents=E2=80=99 at the time =
of the census are included. There is no duplication of cases between the =
two datasets (ONS 2023c, 6=E2=80=938).
>=20
> 5 Published aggregate data for 2021 do not show all possible dual or =
multiple identities including English or British, so these totals will =
be marginal underestimates.
>=20
> 6 See the response (and linked documents) here: =
https://www.ons.gov.uk/aboutus/transparencyandgovernance/freedomofinformat=
ionfoi/nationalidentityquestioninthe2021census. Apparently, the main =
motivation for change was a card-sorting exercise in the question =
development phase of the census, in which a large majority of people in =
England expressed a preference for British to be the first listed =
identity.
>=20
> 7 Although it meets this threshold, City of London is not included as =
it is not formally a borough and has a very small resident population.
>=20
> 8 Analysis was repeated with a binary dependent variable indicating =
whether or not people chose English as their only national identity. =
This improved model fit (R2=E2=80=89=3D=E2=80=890.116) but odds ratios =
for the variable related to ethnic structure of the individual=E2=80=99s =
borough of residence were virtually unchanged. Differences related to =
education, age and social class were generally more marked in this =
model.
>=20
> References
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> Canan, C., and M. K. Simon. 2019. =E2=80=9CImmigration, Diversity and =
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> Appendix
>=20
> Interpretation of data in
>=20
> The odds ratios for each variable category relative to the reference =
category are shown. Simply put, an odds ratio close to 1 reflects little =
difference in identification between people in a specific category and =
those in the reference category for that variable once the other =
variables in the model have been controlled for; odds ratios greater =
than 1 indicate a higher propensity to identify as English etc. than =
those in the reference category; odds ratios lower than 1 a lower =
relative propensity; and higher deviations from 1 indicate greater =
relative difference from the reference category. All odds ratios shown =
are statistically significant at p=E2=80=89<=E2=80=890.05 unless =
indicated as =E2=80=98NS=E2=80=99 (not significant). A pseudo R2 value =
(Nagelkerke R2) is presented for each model, and shows the degree to =
which the explanatory variables collectively account for variation in =
the dependent variable (i.e. whether people identify as English, Welsh, =
British): this may potentially range from 0 to 1, with values closer to =
1 indicating a strong(er) explanatory fit.
>=20
> Derivation of =E2=80=98Middle-Class differential=E2=80=99 and =E2=80=98A=
ge differential=E2=80=99 in
>=20
> The =E2=80=98middle-class differential=E2=80=99 is calculated by =
taking the total percentage in the two most obviously middle-class =
NS-SEC categories (higher and lower managerial, administrative and =
professional occupations) and subtracting the total proportion in the =
most obviously working-class (semi-routine and routine) categories. =
Because the standard published aggregate data does not include a table =
showing how ethnicity varies by NS-SEC class, these data are derived =
from the local authority microdata file, and include only those aged 16 =
and over (since the NS-SEC variable excludes under-16s). The =E2=80=98age =
differential=E2=80=99 is calculated by subtracting the percentage aged =
65 or over from the percentage aged under 50 years.

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    </style><title>Full article: National identities among minority and =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 ethnic groups: evidence from the 2021 census =
in England and Wales</title><div><div class=3D"original-url"><br><a =
href=3D"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2024.2385000=
">https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2024.2385000</a><b=
r><br></div><div id=3D"article" role=3D"article" class=3D"system =
exported" style=3D"text-rendering: optimizelegibility; font-family: =
-apple-system-font; font-size: 1.2em; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; =
padding: 0px;">
        <!-- This node will contain a number of div.page. -->
    <div class=3D"page" style=3D"text-align: start; overflow-wrap: =
break-word; max-width: 100%;"><h1 class=3D"title" style=3D"font-weight: =
bold; font-size: 1.95552em; line-height: 1.2141em; margin-top: 0px; =
margin-bottom: 0.5em; text-align: start; hyphens: manual; display: =
block; max-width: 100%;">National identities among minority and =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 ethnic groups: evidence from the 2021 census =
in England and Wales</h1>
                   =20
                   =20
                       =20
                       =20
                       =20
                           =20
                            <div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.43em; max-width: 100%;">ABSTRACT</h2><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">This paper employs data from the 2021 UK census to initially =
explore sub-state (English, Welsh) national identities among minority =
ethnic groups. This shows that these identities remain much more =
exclusive of people in minority groups than is a British identity, and =
that this exclusion is particularly marked with respect to English =
identity. The analysis then builds on this observation using similar =
data to examine English identification among the White British =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 in a =E2=80=98superdiverse=E2=80=99 city =E2=80=
=93 London. Attributes which are typically shared by London boroughs in =
which identification as English deviates most from the national average, =
and multi-variable analysis which considers the ethnic structure of the =
borough in which an individual lives alongside other key factors (age, =
education, social class) suggest differences in identification between =
people living in boroughs that are characterised by more established and =
extensive ethnic diversity and those in boroughs transitioning from a =
previously more homogeneous (white) ethnic structure. In exploring how =
the articulation of a specific national identity might relate to =
ethnically-diverse or =E2=80=98superdiverse=E2=80=99 contexts, the paper =
uniquely contributes to recent research which calls for a stronger focus =
on how people who do not belong to migrant-minority groups might respond =
to living in such contexts.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 =
style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: 1.43em; max-width: =
100%;">Introduction</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">A question on =
national identity was first included in the United Kingdom (UK) =
population censuses in 2011. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) =
recommended retention of this question in the most recent UK =
censuses,<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor"=
 style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: =
1; font-size: 0.75em;">1</sup></span></span> not least because it allows =
individuals =E2=80=98to express their affiliation with England, =
Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and Britain irrespective of their =
ethnic group=E2=80=99 (<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2016</span></span>, 3). This reflects the UK=E2=80=99s status as =
a multination state, in which people may identify as British and/or one =
of the sub-state national identities (English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern =
Irish).<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: =
1; font-size: 0.75em;">2</sup></span></span> But the UK is far from =
unique in having this multination character: Kymlicka (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>), for example, has =
developed the concept of =E2=80=98multicultural citizenship=E2=80=99 to =
consider the degree to which sub-state identities accommodate people in =
migrant-minority groups in multination states. Previous work on national =
identity in the 2011 censuses (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>) has compared how sub-state national =
identification across ethnic groups varied between England, Wales, and =
Scotland. Most obviously, ethnicity appeared much more central to =
identification as English than it did to the corresponding sub-state =
identities in the other territories.</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">This paper both revisits and builds on some of the questions =
addressed in that previous work. In doing so, we must accommodate a =
substantial methodological change: in England the ordering of the =
explicit response categories for national identity was altered from 2011 =
such that in 2021 British, rather than English, was the first option =
listed. This occasioned substantial changes in the proportions of the =
population identifying as British and/or English. Although in one =
respect a methodological challenge, this change offers an opportunity to =
assess whether differences in national identification among various =
ethnic groups are consistent with 2011 in a <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">relative</i> sense, and also to compare 2021 data from England =
with Wales, in which no such methodological alteration was made. =
Unfortunately, at the time of writing this comparison cannot be extended =
to Scotland owing to the postponement of the census there and the =
resultant delay in data release.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The =
initial analysis focuses on national identities among people in various =
minority ethnic groups and how these compare to the (national) White =
British =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">3</sup></span></span> in the UK. The included minority groups =
reflect the main ethnic categories explicitly listed in the census form, =
but I also disaggregate some of these groups according to professed =
religion (see Data and Methods section below for further details). The =
second part of the analysis presents a novel investigation of the white =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, here defined as those who describe their =
ethnicity as =E2=80=98White: English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or =
British=E2=80=99, again reflecting the explicit presentation of this =
(single) category in the census. Through a specific focus on London, I =
explore whether and in what ways living in contexts of varying ethnic =
diversity might influence national identification among this group in =
light of the evidence concerning the national identities of people in =
minority groups. This analysis therefore contributes to a nascent body =
of research (see e.g. Crul et al. <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>; Jim=C3=A9nez <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017</span></span>; Pemberton <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>) which calls for a stronger focus on how =
(=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99) people who do <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">not</i> belong to migrant-minority groups respond to living in =
ethnically-diverse or =E2=80=98superdiverse=E2=80=99 contexts.</p><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Before presenting the analysis and findings =
pertaining to minorities and =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, I first discuss =
previous research that is relevant to these respective groups, and then =
outline the key data and methods employed.</p></div><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.43em; max-width: 100%;">National identities and minorities in the =
UK</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Although people subjectively =
conceive their own identities, as Jenkins (<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 44) observes: =E2=80=98It is not enough =
simply to assert an identity; that assertion must also be validated, or =
not, by those with whom we have dealings=E2=80=99. He therefore =
describes this process as =E2=80=98the internal-external dialectic of =
identification=E2=80=99 (<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 42=E2=80=933). Applying this observation more =
specifically to national identities, the key biographical =E2=80=98markers=
=E2=80=99 of birthplace, residence and ancestry are particularly =
significant (see e.g. Kiely, Bechhofer, and McCrone <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2005</span></span>). For those born and =
living in a particular nation, and whose ancestry (sometimes connoted by =
physical appearance) indicates membership of the predominant ethnic =
group(s) associated with that nation, national identity may be largely =
an unchallenged =E2=80=98taken-for-granted=E2=80=99 matter. For people =
in more =E2=80=98marginal=E2=80=99 migrant-minority groups who (appear =
to) lack one or more of these key markers, =E2=80=98validation=E2=80=99 =
of certain national identities may therefore be more open to question, =
and this might influence whether and how they assert such =
identities.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Considering immigrants=E2=80=99=
 (and their descendants=E2=80=99) identification with their nation of =
residence as opposed to their =E2=80=98homeland=E2=80=99, much public =
and academic attention in the UK and other European countries has been =
focused on non-Christian (or non-secular) migrant-minority groups, =
particularly Muslims. Contrary to much public discourse, research has =
indicated high levels of <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">British</i> =
identification among UK minority ethnic groups, not least Muslims =
(Karlsen and Nazroo <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>; Maxwell <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2006</span></span>; Platt <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>). But this work neglected the relative =
incidence of sub-state national identities among minority groups. Nandi =
and Platt (<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>, 2630) did show that such identities were more =
exclusive of minorities than British identity, and my own (Bond <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2017a</span></span>) analysis of 2011 census =
data partly echoes this finding, while also showing that this is =
particularly true in England and less so elsewhere (especially =
Scotland). Considering Jenkins=E2=80=99 (<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>) conception of identification as an =
=E2=80=98internal-external dialectic=E2=80=99, Leddy-Owen (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>) shows that some people =
who are not white do not claim to be English because they do not =
anticipate this claim would be accepted owing to their ethnicity. Other =
in-depth qualitative research with people from minority ethnic groups in =
England has similarly suggested that they may feel excluded from an =
English identity because they associate this with whiteness (Thomas and =
Sanderson <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>, 1032=E2=80=931033), while Mann (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2012</span></span>, 494=E2=80=93496) has also =
shown that white people lacking English ancestry (parents or =
grandparents) may be similarly reluctant to identify as English. =
However, others have questioned the degree to which English identity may =
invariably be understood as essentially ethnicised (Condor, Gibson, and =
Abell <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2006</span></span>), and Leddy-Owen himself =
suggests there is some evidence of change in this regard, particularly =
among younger people, such that there may be an incipient uncoupling of =
Englishness and whiteness (<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 1450=E2=80=9351).</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">Analysis of 2011 census data for Wales (Bond <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2017a</span></span>) indicates that, broadly =
speaking, Welsh identity is more inclusive of minorities than English =
identity in England. Qualitative research (Whittaker <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2018</span></span>; <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2019</span></span>) has also highlighted a strong sense of =
attachment to Welsh identity among Muslims of Bangladeshi and Pakistani =
origin who were born and/or brought up in Wales. This identity is often =
strengthened in contexts such as visits to =E2=80=98parental =
homelands=E2=80=99 (Whittaker <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2019</span></span>) and in cross-border mobility to England =
(Whittaker <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2018</span></span>). Although such findings again undermine the =
notion that Muslims in the UK tend to identify more strongly with their =
place of (family) origin, and highlight how sub-state as well as British =
national identities may be important for people in minority ethnic =
groups in Wales, Whittaker (<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2018</span></span>; <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2019</span></span>) also notes that the experience of racism and =
Islamophobia in Wales can also undermine their Welsh =
identities.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 =
style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: 1.43em; max-width: =
100%;">Identities and attitudes among (white) =E2=80=98majorities=E2=80=99=
</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Considering that most evidence from =
England indicates that people in minority ethnic groups there generally =
feel they cannot, or do not wish to, identify as English, this raises =
important questions concerning English identification among the white =
majority. Broman, Kukutai, and Bell (<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2022</span></span>, 2095) have argued that =E2=80=98the identity =
choices of dominant white groups also reflect important features of =
ethnic hierarchies=E2=80=99, and as Skey (<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2010</span></span>, 716) has observed of the =E2=80=98ethnic =
majority=E2=80=99 in England, =E2=80=98members of this group have formed =
the unmarked category against which =E2=80=9Cothers=E2=80=9D within the =
national territory are defined=E2=80=99. Leddy-Owen (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>, 1453=E2=80=9354) =
similarly found that among many of the white Londoners he interviewed, =
identification as English was unreflexively assumed as legitimate and =
taken for granted.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The =E2=80=98unmarked=E2=
=80=99 status of the ethnic majority in England may have several =
possible consequences for their articulation of national identities. =
Forefronting or even attempting to (positively) characterise such =
identities at all might be considered tantamount to xenophobia or =
(racial) prejudice (Condor <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2000</span></span>); or English and British identities might be =
viewed as essentially similar and interchangeable (Leddy-Owen <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>, 1451; Skey <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2012</span></span>, 115); or Britishness =
might be interpreted as a more inclusive and accommodating alternative =
to a more ethnicised English identity (Mann <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>, 110). This third phenomenon also raises the =
possibility that, for the ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, =E2=80=98the =
stated preference for Englishness over Britishness in the twenty-first =
century is partly a racialised identification=E2=80=99 (Elgenius and =
Garner <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2021</span></span>, 219). As Modood (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2021</span></span>, 508) has argued: =E2=80=98I=
t is because Britishness is being multiculturalised=E2=80=89=E2=80=A6=E2=80=
=89that some are looking to Englishness as a refuge=E2=80=99. This =
reflects a wider phenomenon whereby for some people in such =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 groups the (perceived) loss of status and =
dominance associated with living in ethnically-diverse places may =
occasion more exclusive =E2=80=98ethno-national=E2=80=99 conceptions of =
national identity (Laz=C3=ABri <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 1989).</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Other =
research has similarly highlighted the potential for the ethnic =
demography of people=E2=80=99s geographical surroundings to influence =
the conception of national identity among =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
groups, often reflected in the relative importance attached to =
=E2=80=98ascriptive=E2=80=99 and exclusive characteristics such as =
ancestry, as opposed to more inclusive =E2=80=98achievable=E2=80=99 =
attributes such as citizenship (Canan and Simon <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2019</span></span>; Laz=C3=ABri and Coenders <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>; Wright <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>). But there is =
considerable variation in the findings from such work, with some =
concluding that higher levels of diversity are associated with more =
inclusive conceptions of national identity and others suggesting that =
increasing diversity leads to less inclusive perspectives or has no =
overall effect (cf. Canan and Simon <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2019</span></span>; Laz=C3=ABri and Coenders <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>; Wright <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>).</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">This lack of consensus might be related to the theoretical =
framing of much of this research, which highlights the potential for two =
effects that are likely to be contradictory and which also feature in =
some work concerning attitudes to immigration (Pettigrew, Wagner, and =
Christ <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2010</span></span>; Schlueter and Scheepers =
<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2010</span></span>; Strabac <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>). Specifically, it may be =
proposed that ethnic diversity is perceived as a threat to the status of =
those in the ethnic majority, who respond with more negative and =
exclusive perspectives on immigration and national inclusion (=E2=80=98gro=
up threat theory=E2=80=99), and/or that such diversity is more likely to =
generate interaction between those in different ethnic groups, leading =
to more positive and inclusive perspectives (=E2=80=98intergroup contact =
theory=E2=80=99) (Hewstone <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>; Schlueter and Scheepers <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2010</span></span>). Collectively this has =
been described as =E2=80=98the population ratio paradox=E2=80=99 =
(Pettigrew, Wagner, and Christ <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2010</span></span>, 636).</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">It is =
likely that these (paradoxical) effects are, however, not mutually =
exclusive (Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 143). Moreover, there is also considerable =
debate concerning the degree and effects of inter-ethnic interaction in =
ethnically-diverse geographical contexts. Such diversity does not =
necessarily lead to interaction because different groups may be =
spatially and/or socially segregated (Hewstone <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>, 431; Pettigrew, Wagner, and Christ <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2010</span></span>, 637; Strabac <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>, 577): indeed even people =
in =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 groups who are positively disposed towards =
diversity may in practice engage in little inter-ethnic mixing (Crul et =
al. <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>, 1942; Jackson and Benson =
<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>; Schut and Waldring <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>, 2040). Nevertheless, =
generally speaking, people living in more ethnically heterogeneous =
geographical areas tend to have more contact with those from other =
ethnic groups (Hewstone <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>, 420; 426), and even fairly modest inter-group =
interaction (e.g. in places of work, education or =E2=80=98parochical=E2=80=
=99 spaces such as clubs and community centres) may lead to less =
prejudiced attitudes (Knipprath <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>; Pettigrew, Wagner, and Christ <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2010</span></span>, 645; Schlueter and =
Scheepers <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2010</span></span>, 287).</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">There =
are also a number of other factors which add further nuance to the =
potential association between ethnic diversity and attitudes to =
immigration and/or conceptions of national identity. Alongside the size =
of minority ethnic populations, some highlight the significance of the =
degree and rapidity of <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">change</i> in such =
populations (Pettigrew, Wagner, and Christ <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2010</span></span>, 638, 648; Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 135, 139; Wright <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>). Indeed, with specific reference to England, =
Kaufmann (<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 268) has argued that this is the key factor =
in stimulating =E2=80=98English ethnic nationalism=E2=80=99. Others =
suggest that <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">perceived</i> rather than =
actual minority population size may be more significant (Pettigrew, =
Wagner, and Christ <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2010</span></span>, 640; Strabac <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>). Further, while =E2=80=98diversity=E2=80=99 =
is often understood in terms of the collective size of all minority =
groups combined vis-=C3=A0-vis the ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 in =
a given place, stricter interpretations might attend to the number and =
relative sizes of such minority groups (Hewstone <span style=3D"max-width:=
 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>, 417=E2=80=9318), and Vertovec has =
additionally stressed that his original (<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2007</span></span>) concept of =E2=80=98superdiversity=E2=80=99 =
accommodates multiple dimensions (e.g. place of origin, immigration =
status, occupation, religion, language, age) and not simply =E2=80=98=E2=80=
=9Cmore ethnicity=E2=80=9D within a national or urban population=E2=80=99 =
(Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 7). Heterogeneity in at least some of these =
respects may also be significant for <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">attitudes</i>. For example, research frequently highlights that =
people in majority groups who are younger, more highly educated and/or =
in more middle-class occupations are more likely to have more inclusive =
perspectives on minorities and national identities (Coenders and =
Scheepers <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2003</span></span>; Ford <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>; Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 122).</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">If =
articulations of identity among a (nationally) dominant ethnic group to =
some degree and in some circumstances reflect a response to a sense of =
threat occasioned by (growing) diversity, then in the specific context =
of London ethnographic work suggests that such reactionary responses may =
be related to a nostalgic =E2=80=98melancholia=E2=80=99 rooted in =
historic colonial relations and perceptions of a more racially =
homogeneous (white) past (Back and Sinha <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2016</span></span>; James <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>). Such findings are also reflected in work =
undertaken in other national and urban contexts, which indicates that =
people in (previously) dominant/majority groups may associate ethnic =
diversification in their locality with loss, or alternatively experience =
this as an enriching process (Crul et al. <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 1940).</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">London also represents an ideal context in which to study the =
inter-relationship between diversity and national identities because it =
is the epitome of =E2=80=98superdiversity=E2=80=99 (Vertovec <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2007</span></span>). Previous research on =
particular parts of the city reflects the =E2=80=98convivial turn=E2=80=99=
 (Gidley <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor"=
 style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2013</span></span>; Redclift, Rajina, and =
Rashid <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2022</span></span>) in the study of migration =
and its consequences, in which diversity is experienced as banal, =
unremarkable, and thus =E2=80=98commonplace=E2=80=99 (Wessendorf <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>) and its effects are =
usually characterised as benign or positive. For example, the Inner =
London borough of Hackney has been described as =E2=80=98a super-diverse =
urban area=E2=80=99 (Wessendorf <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 1) and =E2=80=98a space of particularly =
successful multiculture=E2=80=99 (Neal, Bennett, and Cochrane <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2019</span></span>, 77) in which =E2=80=98Every=
day encounters with difference=E2=80=89=E2=80=A6=E2=80=89are rarely =
conflictual=E2=80=99 (Wessendorf <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 3). However, while research in other urban =
contexts has also highlighted the potential for diversity to become =
normalised and non-threatening (Kraus <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>) others have stressed that for =E2=80=98majority=
=E2=80=99 ethnic people living in ethnically-diverse places, =
conviviality entails =E2=80=98effort, adaptation and negotiation, as =
well as ambivalence, uncertainty and a great amount of discomfort=E2=80=99=
 (Schut and Waldring <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 2048). Jackson and Benson=E2=80=99s (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>) work, focused on a =
particular neighbourhood in London, reflects a similar =
ambivalence.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Such work also highlights =
that the stress on conviviality and the more positive consequences of =
(super)diversity should not obscure the continuing significance of =
inequalities, racism and differential power in (ethnically) diverse =
contexts (Back and Sinha <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2016</span></span>; Gidley <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2013</span></span>; Neal, Bennett, and Cochrane <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2019</span></span>, 70; Redclift, Rajina, and =
Rashid <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2022</span></span>). Equally, the =
consequences of diversity in other places might be less positive, if not =
in those areas that are most obviously heterogeneous, then in =
neighbouring places that remain (more) dominated by the white =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99, but which might also have experienced =
relatively rapid growth in minority populations. This =E2=80=98halo =
effect=E2=80=99 (Kaufmann <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>, 272=E2=80=933; see also Vertovec <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>, 139) =E2=80=93 also =
observable in other national contexts =E2=80=93 is, for example, =
suggested by Kaufmann as a factor in the relative strength of =
anti-immigrant political parties in some districts in, or close to, =
London.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight:=
 bold; font-size: 1.43em; max-width: 100%;">Data and methods</h2><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Data were derived from the 2021 census in =
England and Wales, for which response rate was an estimated 97 per cent =
of usual residents (ONS <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2022a</span></span>). Analysis of national identities among =
minority ethnic groups is based on microdata representing a random 5 per =
cent sample of respondents (ONS <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023a</span></span>). While some analysis of national identities =
may be conducted using aggregate data representing all census returns, =
using microdata allows multi-variable analysis; construction of bespoke =
derived variables; and further facilitates selection of specific =
sub-populations. Although national identities are recorded for people of =
all ages, previous analysis of such identities in the 2011 UK censuses =
only included those aged 16 and over (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>, <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017b</span></span>), and similar analysis in New Zealand =
(Broman, Kukutai, and Bell <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2022</span></span>, 2102) implemented a threshold of 15 years of =
age. In the section immediately below I therefore again include only =
cases aged 16 or over, but the age at which people might be able to =
reliably articulate their own national identity is debatable =E2=80=93 =
some other research on national identities has included people as young =
as 12 (Sime <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2020</span></span>) or 13 years (Wood <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2022</span></span>) =E2=80=93 and I note significant changes to =
results below if those aged under 16 were to be included.</p><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Analysis of =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
national identities (and related data) in London is based on aggregate =
data published online by the ONS (<a =
href=3D"https://www.nomisweb.co.uk/sources/census" target=3D"_blank" =
style=3D"color: rgb(65, 110, 210); max-width: 100%; text-decoration: =
underline;">https://www.nomisweb.co.uk/sources/census</a>) and on a =
different 5 per cent random sample microdata file (ONS <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023b</span></span>) which allows for the =
differentiation of cases at a lower level of geography (local authority =
areas, as opposed to larger regions). Using this dataset allows not only =
a focus on London, but also each of its 33 local authorities (32 =
boroughs and the City of London). There are nearly three million cases =
in each of the microdata files,<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">4</sup></span></span> which provides a robust basis for the =
analysis of specific minority groups (much more difficult or impossible =
using relevant surveys) and ensures sufficiently large numbers in each =
London borough.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The census asked =E2=80=98=
How would you describe your national identity?=E2=80=99. British, =
English, Welsh, Scottish and Northern Irish were explicitly presented as =
response options, and/or people could write in any alternative =
identities. Although directed to choose as many as they thought =
appropriate, 83.1 per cent in England and 87.6 per cent in Wales only =
selected one identity: the vast majority chose English, British or =
Welsh. Aggregate data for all usual residents show that in England the =
proportion identifying as British increased from 29.3 per cent in 2011 =
to approximately 71.6 per cent in 2021,<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">5</sup></span></span> whereas the proportion identifying as =
English fell from 70.1 per cent to approximately 29.5 per cent. In Wales =
there was comparatively little change in the proportions identifying as =
Welsh (65.9 per cent in 2011; approximately 63.3 per cent in 2021) or =
British (26.3 per cent in 2011; approximately 28.4 per cent in 2021). =
While some of the change in England may reflect genuine alterations in =
people=E2=80=99s subjective sense of national identity, much of it =
likely relates to the alteration in order of response categories =
discussed earlier (ONS <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2022b</span></span>, 2).<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">6</sup></span></span> Although it has been observed that =
structured questions on national identity are subject to these kinds of =
methodological effects (Mann <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>, 111=E2=80=93112), equally important is likely =
to be the tendency (noted earlier) to conflate English and British =
identities. However, we are not principally concerned with how these =
identities vary in absolute terms, but rather relative differences =
between ethnic groups or people living in different parts of =
London.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The key dependent variables are =
simple binaries indicating whether or not an individual selected =
English, British or Welsh as one of their chosen identities. In the =
first part of the analysis the main explanatory variable is ethnicity. =
In some instances I adopt the main ethnic groups specified in the census =
form: the Mixed categories; Black Caribbean; and White: English, Welsh, =
Scottish, Northern Irish or British (which I simply label =E2=80=98White =
British=E2=80=99). As well as heterogeneity of (sub-state) national =
origins, this latter =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 label will obscure other =
dimensions of diversity such as religion. However, for many of the =
minority groups I construct bespoke ethnoreligious categories. This =
allows consideration of both ethnicity and religion as markers of =
minority status while avoiding problems entailed in including these =
separately, particularly when for some ethnic groups there is a high =
correlation with a particular religion. The categories are structured to =
recognise the relative religious homogeneity of some ethnic groups (e.g. =
Pakistani Muslims) and the heterogeneity of others (e.g. Indian Hindus, =
Sikhs, Muslims and Christians). This structuring was also based to some =
extent on preliminary analysis to investigate any substantial =
differences in patterns of national identities, e.g. for people of =
different religions in the same ethnic group, or for different =
categories of white people (I combine most of the <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">minority</i> White categories into a single group). Overall, some =
cases that represent unusual or non-specific combinations of ethnicity =
and religion (including some =E2=80=98Other=E2=80=99 groups) were =
excluded, but the vast majority of cases in the original dataset are =
included: 94.1 per cent in England and 97.9 in Wales. In the second part =
of the analysis the key independent variable is the London borough =
(local authority area) in which each individual lives. Borough names are =
unchanged since the 2011 and 2001 censuses, and comparisons with =
previous censuses assume that borough boundaries have not changed =
significantly. Other explanatory variables are also included in both =
parts of the analysis: these are outlined and justified below.</p><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Census data on national identities do have =
limitations. A wider critique of survey-type questions on national =
identities is that they do not allow people to express how they might =
understand these identities and/or employ them differently in varying =
contexts (Condor, Gibson, and Abell <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2006</span></span>, 129; Mann <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2011</span></span>, 111=E2=80=9312). Unlike some related research =
(Karlsen and Nazroo <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>; Maxwell <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2006</span></span>; Nandi and Platt <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>; Platt <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>), the census question also does not assess =
people=E2=80=99s <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">strength</i> of =
identification with particular national groups.</p></div><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.43em; max-width: 100%;">Comparing national identities across ethnic =
groups in England and Wales</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> gives an =
overview of the proportions of people aged 16+ in each ethnic group who =
selected English (in England), Welsh (in Wales) and/or British (in both =
nations) in the 5 per cent microdata. For the purpose of comparison, =
groups are structured similarly in England and Wales, and in two =
instances this means there are fewer than 100 cases in Wales, so data =
for these should be interpreted with some caution.
</p><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h3 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.25em; max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Table 1. </span> English, Welsh and British =
identification by ethnic group, 2021 census (aged 16+ only)<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: =
1; font-size: =
0.75em;">a</sup></span></span>.</p></h3></div></div></div><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">In <b style=3D"max-width: 100%;">England</b>, =
although overall identification as English is markedly lower than in the =
2011 census, a large minority of people in the White British group (40 =
per cent) do identify as English, as do smaller but still fairly =
substantial minorities in the three Mixed groups (all of which include =
some white ethnic heritage), but only very small minorities in the other =
ethnic groups. This substantiates previous work which suggests that =
English is widely understood as an ethnicised and exclusive national =
identity. Consistent with 2011 data and other previous research, =
Britishness is much more accommodating of people in minority ethnic =
groups, and a number of these (including some Muslim groups) show higher =
proportions of British identity than the White British. Analysis which =
included those aged under 16 (not in table) showed that in England young =
people in minority groups are even <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">more</i> likely to identify (or be identified by their parents) =
as British.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">In <b style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">Wales</b>, although in most ethnic groups only a minority =
identify as Welsh, these proportions are invariably larger than for =
English identity among the corresponding group in England. Proportions =
identifying as Welsh have increased compared to the 2011 census for most =
minority groups (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>) and, if under 16s are included, data (not in =
table) suggest a relatively stronger willingness for young people to =
identify (or be identified) as Welsh among majority and (most) minority =
groups alike. But for all minority ethnic groups the proportion =
identifying as Welsh remains lower (and in most groups much lower) than =
for the White British in Wales (which includes White Welsh), and with =
the exception of two of the Mixed groups, higher proportions identify as =
British than do Welsh.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> presents =
multi-variable models (binary logistic regression) which allow for the =
fact that, as well as ethnicity and religion, national identities are =
also commonly related to people=E2=80=99s birthplace, and, for those not =
born in a country, potentially to period of residence there (see e.g. =
Bond <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2006</span></span>; Platt <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>). A combined =
birth-residence variable is used, although unfortunately (and in =
contrast to similar 2011 census microdata) it is not possible to =
differentiate people by their specific UK nation of birth (i.e. England, =
Wales etc.) only whether or not they were born in the UK. Duration of =
residence is derived from the original microdata, which record a broad =
period of arrival in the country for those not born in the UK rather =
than a specific year. In addition to those common markers of national =
identity, some previous research on this theme has also shown that =
people=E2=80=99s age (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>; Karlsen and Nazroo <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>; Maxwell <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2006</span></span>) and socioeconomic status (Bond <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2017a</span></span>, <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017b</span></span>; Maxwell <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2006</span></span>; Nandi and Platt <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2015</span></span>) may be significant. Grouped variables for =
both age and the standard UK NS-SEC classification of occupational =
social class are included. Proficiency in the Welsh language is also =
likely to be relevant to propensity to identify as Welsh, including =
among minority groups (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>; Scourfield and Davies <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2005</span></span>; Williams <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">1999</span></span>). The census in Wales =
assessed whether people could understand, speak, read, and/or write =
Welsh, and those who can do at least one but not all of these have been =
classified in one group, and those skilled in all these dimensions =
placed in another. These groups are compared with people with no Welsh =
language skills, who are therefore the reference category for this =
variable. This is shown in the table, as are the reference categories =
for the other variables.
</p><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h3 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.25em; max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Table 2. </span> Logistic regressions of =
English, Welsh and British identities, England and Wales =
2021.</p></h3></div></div></div><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">While our =
main focus is on sub-state national identities (English and Welsh), =
similar models for British identification are also shown for England and =
Wales. Details of how to interpret the data in  are provided in the =
Appendix. The key findings are summarised below.</p><p style=3D"max-width:=
 100%;">In <b style=3D"max-width: 100%;">England</b>, overall people in =
minority ethnic groups are still much less likely to identify as English =
compared to the (White British) majority, even after controlling for =
(UK) birthplace/residence, age and social class. The model also confirms =
that people in nearly all minority groups are more likely to identify as =
British than the White British, and this is most marked among South =
Asian Muslims. Examining the effect of birth and period of residence =
shows that, unsurprisingly, compared to the UK-born, immigrants are much =
less likely to identify as English, and for the most part there is no =
obvious linear effect of =E2=80=98becoming=E2=80=99 English over time. =
In contrast, long-term residents (40+ years) not born in the UK are more =
likely than the UK-born to identify as British, and overall there is a =
fairly clear linear pattern of =E2=80=98becoming=E2=80=99 British. Older =
people are most likely to identify as English and least likely to =
identify as British, whereas the opposite applies to people in the =
highest occupational social class, which is consistent with what we =
would expect from previous research on in/exclusive perspectives on =
national identities, and with similar analysis of the 2011 census (Bond =
<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2017a</span></span>).</p><p style=3D"max-width:=
 100%;">In <b style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Wales</b>, the relative odds of =
identifying as Welsh are higher in nearly all minority groups compared =
to English identification among the corresponding groups in England, =
suggesting that Welsh identity is more inclusive of minorities than is =
English. However, compared to the White British/Welsh majority, people =
in minority groups are still obviously less likely to identify as Welsh, =
even after controlling for (UK) birthplace/residence, age and social =
class. There are two minority groups for whom differences are not =
significant, but this is also partly related to low sample sizes in =
these groups. Broad similarities with England may be observed with =
respect to patterns of British identification among minority ethnic =
groups and immigrants (defined by non-UK birthplace). Odds ratios for =
Welsh identification in all immigrant groups are also much higher =
relative to the UK-born than they were relative to the Wales-born in =
2011 (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>), but remain lower than the corresponding =
odds ratios in England: this likely reflects the centrality of =
birthplace in Wales for Welsh identification. In contrast to English =
identification in England, the oldest people are the least likely to =
identify as Welsh and there is no clear association between age and =
British identification. The effects of social class are broadly similar =
to England with respect to both sub-state (English/Welsh) and British =
identities. Finally, language has the same (expected) effects on Welsh =
and British identification as in 2011 (Bond <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2017a</span></span>), with likelihood of identifying as Welsh =
increasing and British identification diminishing markedly with =
proficiency in the Welsh language.</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">Overall, despite substantial changes compared to 2011 in terms of =
both methodology and microdata structure, the key findings above are =
consistent with similar analysis for the previous census. Sub-state =
(English, Welsh) national identities are shown to be much less inclusive =
of people in minority ethnic groups than is British identity, but this =
exclusivity is most marked in England. We now go on to consider what =
implications this relative exclusivity might have for the identities of =
people in the (white) majority in England.</p></div><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.43em; max-width: 100%;">English identification among the White British =
in London</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">In this section we explore =
whether there is any evidence to suggest that living in contexts =
characterised by ethnic diversity might be associated with higher or =
lower propensity to identify as English, considering that this identity =
has been shown to be largely exclusive of people in minority ethnic =
groups, and in light of the evidence reviewed above concerning the =
various ways that =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 people might respond to =
diversity. Although (super)diversity is not merely reflected in the =
overall proportion of people in minority ethnic groups, nevertheless =
even this basic measure is significant because, as Vertovec (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>, 128) observes: =
=E2=80=98Ethnicity is a key lens through which a great many members of =
the public often consider social differences=E2=80=99. In the 2021 =
census, aggregate data show that White British (including White English, =
Welsh etc.) remains a clear <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">national</i> =
majority ethnic group, and the five local authority areas in England =
with the lowest percentage of people belonging to this group were all =
London boroughs: Newham (14.8 per cent), Brent (15.2), Harrow (20.5), =
Tower Hamlets (22.9) and Redbridge (23.2).</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">While most of the remaining London boroughs can also be described =
as =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 (see e.g. Crul et al. <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>; Laz=C3=ABri <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>) in that the White British =
make up less than half the population, there are six in which this =
ethnic group is in the majority, and in four of these they account for =
around two-thirds of people: Richmond upon Thames (63.0 per cent), =
Bexley (64.4), Havering (66.5) and Bromley (66.5). These figures also do =
not reflect <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">change</i> in overall ethnic =
structure. For example, in Newham and Brent the proportion of White =
British fell only marginally (by less than 3 percentage points) between =
the 2011 and 2021 censuses, compared to more than 10 percentage points =
in Harrow and Redbridge and approximately 17 in Havering. Differential =
change between 2001 and 2021 is even more marked: in Hackney the =
proportion of White British fell by about 10 percentage points, whereas =
in Barking and Dagenham there was a 50 percentage point decrease over =
the same 20-year period. There is also evident variation across London =
boroughs in characteristics which we might also consider to be =
dimensions of (super)diversity and/or potentially influence attitudes =
and responses towards such diversity: e.g. birthplace, education, social =
class, and age structure. Not surprisingly, there is also considerable =
cross-borough variation in subjective national identities, especially =
identification as English: e.g. in 2021 fewer than 7 per cent of people =
in Brent identified as English compared to nearly one-third in =
Havering.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> summarises these and other =
key related data for all London boroughs and the City of London. As =
these are based on aggregate census data, people of all ages are =
included. The boroughs are ordered from lowest to highest percentage of =
White British residents (first data column), and =E2=80=98IL=E2=80=99 or =
=E2=80=98OL=E2=80=99 indicates whether the borough is designated as =
Inner or Outer London. Overall data for England and London are shown in =
the first data rows: note that a lower proportion of White British =
people identify as English in London compared to England as a whole.
</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> presents a more focused comparison of =
boroughs which deviate most from the national (England) proportion =
identifying as English among those in the White British ethnic group =
only, which is expressed as a differential (of percentage points). The =
first group are boroughs in which this differential was 10 percentage =
points or more lower than the England average,<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">7</sup></span></span> and the second group are approximately =
equal to or higher than that average. All other variables (columns) in =
the table are also expressed as percentage point differentials. Some are =
based on data from , but I also introduce three new measures which we =
might expect to be significant with respect to how people conceive and =
articulate national identities, and which reflect some of the additional =
dimensions of (super)diversity more strictly understood (Vertovec <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>, 127). The first shows how =
the proportion of people aged 16 or over who have higher education =
qualifications differs from the London average, both among all residents =
and (in brackets) the White British only. The others are in some ways =
more ad hoc measures of class and age profiles, but the structure of =
these measures is related to the nature of the published aggregate data =
and based on preliminary analysis of how English identification varies =
with social class and age. Full details are provided in the Appendix, =
and key findings are summarised below and in  and .
</p>
<div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h3 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.25em; max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Table 5. </span> Summary of key =
characteristics of boroughs with low English identification among the =
White British ethnic group.</p></h3></div></div></div>
<div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h3 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.25em; max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Table 6. </span> Summary of key =
characteristics of boroughs with high English identification among the =
White British ethnic group.</p></h3></div></div></div><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> shows that boroughs in each group typically =
share a number of characteristics. Those in which White British people =
are relatively <b style=3D"max-width: 100%;">least</b> likely to =
identify as English are all =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 areas =
where (much) less than half the population are White British, and =
typically have a relatively low percentage of UK-born residents. They =
have typically experienced a relatively small (fewer than 10 percentage =
points) decline in the proportion of White British between 2011 and =
2021. They are usually located in Inner London, or if not, =
=E2=80=98enclaved=E2=80=99: while formally defined as Outer London =
boroughs, they do not share boundaries with any local authorities =
outside London. They usually have relatively large numbers of =
highly-qualified residents and people in middle-class occupations =
relative to working-class, and tend to have a relatively young age =
profile.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> summarises whether each =
individual borough in this group meets each of these criteria: a tick =
indicates they do, a cross shows they do not, and a tick and cross shows =
they meet that criterion for one population (i.e. all residents or only =
those who identify as White British) but not the other. For social class =
and age differentials, ticks and crosses relate to comparison with <i =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">London</i> rather than England. While the =
crosses in the table thus highlight the exceptions to typical =
characteristics among this group, as  shows some of these exceptions are =
marginal (e.g. in relation to decline in the percentage of White British =
in the population, or proportion of UK-born), or indicate the borough =
meets the criterion for education or social class for either the adult =
population or the White British only: Brent is the only outlier in this =
respect. But three boroughs clearly do not meet the criterion of having =
a relatively young age profile and one of these (Barnet) is also the =
only Outer London borough bordering a local authority outside =
London.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"> provides a similar summary of =
those characteristics typically shared by boroughs in which White =
British people are relatively <b style=3D"max-width: 100%;">more</b> =
likely to identify as English. These commonly have a majority of White =
British and/or have experienced a comparatively large reduction in the =
relative size of this ethnic group in recent years. They also typically =
have a relatively high percentage of UK-born residents, and are located =
in Outer London, bordering local authority areas outside London. They =
have relatively low numbers of highly-educated residents and people in =
middle-class occupations, and tend to have a relatively older age =
profile. Four of these six boroughs fully or partially meet all the =
typical criteria for this group. The exceptions are Barking &amp; =
Dagenham and Hillingdon, neither of which have a majority White British =
population, although the latter borough (fully) fits all the other =
criteria. Barking &amp; Dagenham is most obviously atypical, but one =
should stress the potential significance of the exceptionally large (50 =
percentage point) reduction in the proportion of White British people =
here between 2001 and 2021, and also note that of all London boroughs =
Hillingdon had the second highest reduction in this (former) =
=E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 population over this period (see ).</p><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Overall, the various patterns and =
consistencies shown in  suggest that which national identity(ies) people =
choose to articulate may indeed be influenced in some ways both by =
different geographical contexts of ethnic diversity and by some other =
demographic and socio-economic factors which have been shown to shape =
how people conceive national identities and respond to related issues =
such as immigration. However, as well as the limited exceptions =
highlighted above, some of those boroughs which are <i style=3D"max-width:=
 100%;">not</i> represented in  do not reflect a clear association =
between diversity and identities. For example, Newham and Tower Hamlets =
are among those local authorities with the lowest proportion of White =
British people in England, but neither differs much from London overall =
in terms of degree of English identification among this ethnic group. =
Equally, Richmond upon Thames is among those boroughs where English =
identification is relatively low (marginally above the negative 10 =
percentage point differential required for inclusion in  and ) but does =
not meet most of the typical criteria for such boroughs. Its White =
British population is, however, overwhelmingly well-educated and =
middle-class, and it may be that these socio-economic factors are most =
key to national identities there.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Such =
anomalies to some degree reflect the complexity and inconsistency =
highlighted by other research exploring the relationship between =
diversity and identities among national ethnic =E2=80=98majorities=E2=80=99=
. Ideally, this might be further explored for London through =
multi-variable models which include the various factors outlined in the =
tables above and perhaps further demographic and socio-economic =
variables. But such multi-level analysis is beyond the scope of this =
paper, not least because deriving some of the necessary data would be =
difficult. However, as a final piece of analysis focused on individual =
attributes among the White British, we present a logistic regression =
model () with English identity as the dependent variable (again as a =
simple binary as per  above). Explanatory variables are age group, =
whether or not individuals have higher education qualifications, their =
NS-SEC social class, and, most significantly, the ethnic structure in =
the London borough in which they live. This latter variable is =
categorised in order to be intuitive and parsimonious, but this =
structure also reflects some preliminary analysis. The reference =
category is people living in boroughs with less than 25 per cent White =
British, compared both to those living in boroughs that are majority =
White British, and those where this group accounts for more than =
one-quarter but less than half of the population. Reference categories =
for the other variables are highlighted in the table. Owing to the =
inclusion of the education and NS-SEC variables, only residents aged 16+ =
are represented. All odds ratios shown are significant at <i =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">p</i>=E2=80=89&lt;=E2=80=890.01, unless =
otherwise indicated by =E2=80=98NS=E2=80=99.
</p><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h3 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.25em; max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Table 7. </span> Logistic regression of =
English identity: White British people aged 16+ in =
London.</p></h3></div></div></div><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The data =
in  are broadly consistent with what we would expect, and are also in =
line with many of the findings for English identity shown in  above: =
older, less highly-educated, and working-class White British people are =
relatively more likely to identify as English. Regarding the key =
question of whether the ethnic structure of the borough in which an =
ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 individual lives might be related to =
their articulated national identity, there is indeed some evidence of =
such an effect: although people in =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 =
boroughs do not differ from each other in this regard, those living in =
boroughs which have a majority White British population are =
significantly more likely to identify as English.<span style=3D"max-width:=
 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">8</sup></span></span></p></div><div style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: 1.43em; max-width: =
100%;">Conclusions, limitations and possible future research</h2><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2021 census data indicate that the =
association between ethnicity and national identities remains broadly =
similar in relative terms in England and Wales compared to 2011, despite =
the key methodological change in the former concerning the ordering of =
response categories. Compared both to British identity in England and =
Welsh identity in Wales, English remains a national identity that is =
largely exclusive of those in minority ethnic groups. This finding =
echoes several qualitative studies, although it should also be =
recognised that at least some other qualitative research suggests a more =
complex and potentially changing relationship between Englishness and =
ethnicity (see also Modood <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2021</span></span> =
below). If this finding reflects Jenkins=E2=80=99 (<span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2014</span></span>) broader point that =
identification is a =E2=80=98dialectical=E2=80=99 process in which =
articulated identities are shaped by anticipation of whether others =
might =E2=80=98validate=E2=80=99 such claims, then focusing on the =
ethnic =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 also illustrates how identities may be =
influenced by interaction with others. In this respect the analysis =
uniquely contributes to debates concerning =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 =
responses to living in ethnically-diverse contexts through examining =
whether and in what ways exposure to such diversity may influence the =
degree to which those in the (national) white majority in England =
articulate a specific national identity that is itself widely =
conceptualised as exclusive of minorities. It shows that there is some =
evidence to suggest that this may indeed discourage such identification =
to some extent. This is in some ways consistent with research which =
suggests that white people who live in environments where ethnic =
diversity is established are less likely to feel threatened by such =
diversity (Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 147). On the other hand, living in contexts =
in which the national (white) majority remain a local majority (and =
perhaps those where =E2=80=98majority-minority=E2=80=99 status has =
developed only fairly recently and rapidly) may have the opposite =
effect. Hence, just as it has been suggested that people typically find =
a certain degree of ethnic diversity tolerable but what is perceived to =
be excessive diversification may in turn lead to more negative responses =
(Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 130), contrasts between different parts of =
London may also suggest a different potential =E2=80=98tipping point=E2=80=
=99 (Vertovec <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 132) in which more exclusive responses to =
ethnic diversity may eventually decline and change as diversity becomes =
more extensive, established, and banal (Kraus <span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2023</span></span>, 1962). However, although this implies a =
potentially positive trajectory, even =E2=80=98commonplace diversity=E2=80=
=99 (Wessendorf <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2014</span></span>) can be paralleled by continuing structural =
inequalities and racism. It is also important to stress that English =
identity in itself need not invariably and inevitably be inconsistent =
with multicultural inclusivity. As Modood (<span style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2021</span></span>, 507) has argued, =E2=80=98there is nothing =
deterministic about what English identity can be and there is nothing =
deterministic about ethnic minorities not becoming part of an =
appropriately diverse, internally differentiated English national =
identity=E2=80=99.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The degree to which =
national identities appear to be inclusive of those in minority ethnic =
groups, and whether this might also bear upon national identities among =
=E2=80=98majorities=E2=80=99, is also pertinent to other multination =
states. The diversity inherent in the established multination character =
of these states may be reconciled with the diversity brought by =
migrant-minority groups in a variety of ways (Kymlicka <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>). Work concerning other =
prominent sub-state nations such as Quebec in Canada (Banting and Soroka =
<span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2012</span></span>; Kymlicka <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2011</span></span>; Xhardez <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2020</span></span>); the Basque Country in =
Spain (Jeram <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span =
class=3D"converted-anchor" style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">2013</span></span>); and Flanders in Belgium (Xhardez <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2020</span></span>) suggests that national =
identities at different levels (e.g. Canada and Quebec) may be =E2=80=98in=
 effect, competing for the affections of newcomers=E2=80=99 (Banting and =
Soroka <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2012</span></span>, 157). But what much of =
this work also suggests is that these identities are not static in the =
ways they are discursively represented and conceived. For example, a =
renewed stress on the importance of specific linguistic and cultural =
attributes associated with some sub-state identities may serve to <i =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">ex</i>clude those in migrant-minority groups =
(Xhardez <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor"=
 style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2020</span></span>), or such identities may =
be re-imagined as relatively <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">in</i>clusive =
of those groups when placed in the wider context of state level =
anti-immigration and multiculturalism-sceptic rhetoric (Jeram <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2013</span></span>). Such findings echo the =
observations of Modood and others regarding the (potentially) shifting =
nature of Englishness, and this should be borne in mind when evaluating =
the analysis presented above.</p><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">My =
overall conclusions are also offered with some qualifications both with =
regard to the strength and consistency of the findings and established =
methodological limitations of researching national identities using =
quantitative data, which in some ways the census exacerbates through =
containing only one question on this theme. However, against this it =
offers a uniquely robust basis for including analysis of some minority =
groups and/or specific locales. Further research with respect to =
national identities among minorities using 2021/22 census data could =
compare the findings above with Scotland when data are released. In =
London, while much valuable qualitative and ethnographic research has =
already been done which focuses mainly on the most diverse parts of the =
UK capital, similar research which addresses areas characterised by less =
ethnic heterogeneity might yield valuable understanding concerning the =
conception and articulation of national identities. Quantitative =
analysis of London could also be developed further by introducing =
further dimensions of the census data or drawing on other data sources. =
Since London is not the only UK city characterised by a considerable =
degree of ethnic diversity, future research on how such diversity might =
shape national identities might be conducted in other urban areas in =
England. Beyond the UK, the interrelationships between national =
identities among minority and =E2=80=98majority=E2=80=99 groups could be =
studied in other prominent sub-state nations and/or ethnically-diverse =
urban areas within these nations.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: 1.43em; max-width: =
100%;">Ethical approval</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The research =
on which this paper is based was approved by the research ethics =
committee of the School of Social and Political Science, University of =
Edinburgh (submission ID 2520).</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: 1.43em; max-width: =
100%;">Disclosure statement</h2><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">No =
potential conflict of interest was reported by the =
author(s).</p></div></div><h2 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.43em; max-width: 100%;">Notes</h2><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">1 Separate =
censuses are carried out for England and Wales; Scotland; and Northern =
Ireland. Although the dates and (most) questions normally coincide, in =
Scotland the decennial census was postponed until 2022 owing to the =
effects of the Covid-19 pandemic, whereas in the other parts of the UK =
it was conducted in 2021.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2 In Northern Ireland, <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">Irish</i> is also a salient national identity for many =
people.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">3 I use scare quotes here and (where appropriate) elsewhere in =
the paper principally because in some geographical contexts people in =
this ethnic group do not form a numerical majority, but even in such =
instances they remain a <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">national</i> =
majority and may also not <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">perceive</i> =
themselves to be a (local) minority either (Laz=C3=ABri <span =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023</span></span>).</p></div><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">4 Only those =
regarded as =E2=80=98usual residents=E2=80=99 at the time of the census =
are included. There is no duplication of cases between the two datasets =
(ONS <span style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><span class=3D"converted-anchor" =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">2023c</span></span>, 6=E2=80=938).</p></div><di=
v style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;">5 Published =
aggregate data for 2021 do not show all possible dual or multiple =
identities including English or British, so these totals will be =
marginal underestimates.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">6 See the response (and linked documents) =
here: <a =
href=3D"https://www.ons.gov.uk/aboutus/transparencyandgovernance/freedomof=
informationfoi/nationalidentityquestioninthe2021census" target=3D"_blank" =
style=3D"color: rgb(65, 110, 210); max-width: 100%; text-decoration: =
underline;">https://www.ons.gov.uk/aboutus/transparencyandgovernance/freed=
omofinformationfoi/nationalidentityquestioninthe2021census</a>. =
Apparently, the main motivation for change was a card-sorting exercise =
in the question development phase of the census, in which a large =
majority of people in England expressed a preference for British to be =
the first listed identity.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">7 Although it meets this threshold, City of =
London is not included as it is not formally a borough and has a very =
small resident population.</p></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">8 Analysis was repeated with a binary =
dependent variable indicating whether or not people chose English as =
their <i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">only</i> national identity. This =
improved model fit (<i style=3D"max-width: 100%;">R</i><sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: =
0.75em;">2=E2=80=89</sup>=3D=E2=80=890.116) but odds ratios for the =
variable related to ethnic structure of the individual=E2=80=99s borough =
of residence were virtually unchanged. Differences related to education, =
age and social class were generally more marked in this =
model.</p></div></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
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</span></li></ul></div></div><div style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><div =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><h3 style=3D"font-weight: bold; font-size: =
1.25em; max-width: 100%;">Appendix </h3><div style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><p style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><b style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><i =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">Interpretation of data in</i></b> </p><p =
style=3D"max-width: 100%;">The odds ratios for each variable category =
relative to the reference category are shown. Simply put, an odds ratio =
close to 1 reflects little difference in identification between people =
in a specific category and those in the reference category for that =
variable once the other variables in the model have been controlled for; =
odds ratios greater than 1 indicate a higher propensity to identify as =
English etc. than those in the reference category; odds ratios lower =
than 1 a lower relative propensity; and higher deviations from 1 =
indicate greater relative difference from the reference category. All =
odds ratios shown are statistically significant at <i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">p</i>=E2=80=89&lt;=E2=80=890.05 unless indicated as =E2=80=98NS=E2=80=
=99 (not significant). A pseudo R<sup style=3D"max-width: 100%; =
line-height: 1; font-size: 0.75em;">2</sup> value (Nagelkerke R<sup =
style=3D"max-width: 100%; line-height: 1; font-size: 0.75em;">2</sup>) =
is presented for each model, and shows the degree to which the =
explanatory variables collectively account for variation in the =
dependent variable (i.e. whether people identify as English, Welsh, =
British): this may potentially range from 0 to 1, with values closer to =
1 indicating a strong(er) explanatory fit.</p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;"><b style=3D"max-width: 100%;"><i style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">Derivation of =E2=80=98Middle-Class differential=E2=80=99 and =
=E2=80=98Age differential=E2=80=99 in</i></b> </p><p style=3D"max-width: =
100%;">The =E2=80=98middle-class differential=E2=80=99 is calculated by =
taking the total percentage in the two most obviously middle-class =
NS-SEC categories (higher and lower managerial, administrative and =
professional occupations) and subtracting the total proportion in the =
most obviously working-class (semi-routine and routine) categories. =
Because the standard published aggregate data does not include a table =
showing how ethnicity varies by NS-SEC class, these data are derived =
from the local authority microdata file, and include only those aged 16 =
and over (since the NS-SEC variable excludes under-16s). The =E2=80=98age =
differential=E2=80=99 is calculated by subtracting the percentage aged =
65 or over from the percentage aged under 50 =
years.</p></div></div></div>
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